996 resultados para Police powers


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This paper begins by outlining and critiquing what we term the dominant anglophone model of neo-liberal community safety and crime prevention. As an alternative to this influential but flawed model, a comparative analysis is provided of the different constitutional-legal settlements in each of the five jurisdictions across the UK and the Republic of Ireland (ROI), and their uneven institutionalization of community safety. In the light of this it is argued that the nature of the anglophone community safety enterprise is actually subject to significant variation. Summarizing the contours of this variation facilitates our articulation of some core dimensions of community safety. Then, making use of Colebatch’s (2002) deconstruction of policy activity into categories of authority and expertise, and Brunsson’s (2002) distinction between policy talk, decisions and action, we put forward a way of understanding policy activity that avoids the twin dangers of ‘false particularism’ and ‘false universalism’ (Edwards and Hughes, 2005); that indicates a path for further empirical enquiry to assess the ‘reality’ of policy convergence; and that enables the engagement of researchers with normative questions about where community safety should be heading.

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Teacher resources for Lesson E in the Discover Oceanography 'Scheme of Work' for use in schools.

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Following inspections in 2013 of all police forces, Her Majesty’s Inspectorate of Constabulary found that one-third of forces could not provide data on repeat victims of domestic abuse (DA) and concluded that in general there were ambiguities around the term ‘repeat victim’ and that there was a need for consistent and comparable statistics on DA. Using an analysis of police-recorded DA data from two forces, an argument is made for including both offences and non-crime incidents when identifying repeat victims of DA. Furthermore, for statistical purposes the counting period for repeat victimizations should be taken as a rolling 12 months from first recorded victimization. Examples are given of summary statistics that can be derived from these data down to Community Safety Partnership level. To reinforce the need to include both offences and incidents in analyses, repeat victim chronologies from policerecorded data are also used to briefly examine cases of escalation to homicide as an example of how they can offer new insights and greater scope for evaluating risk and effectiveness of interventions.

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The quarterly bulletins on crime statistics in England and Wales are compiled from two sets of data: crime survey and police-recorded crime. Whilst the former is considered to give the most reliable trends, the latter has a greater level detail for a fuller spectrum of crimes types. This paper explores the advantages and problems of analysing police-recorded data for the insights they contain. This is illustrated by examples from an analysis of domestic violence.

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Explanation of residents' & tenants' rights & Durable Power of Attorney for Health Care

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Consider two graphs G and H. Let H^k[G] be the lexicographic product of H^k and G, where H^k is the lexicographic product of the graph H by itself k times. In this paper, we determine the spectrum of H^k[G]H and H^k when G and H are regular and the Laplacian spectrum of H^k[G] and H^k for G and H arbitrary. Particular emphasis is given to the least eigenvalue of the adjacency matrix in the case of lexicographic powers of regular graphs, and to the algebraic connectivity and the largest Laplacian eigenvalues in the case of lexicographic powers of arbitrary graphs. This approach allows the determination of the spectrum (in case of regular graphs) and Laplacian spectrum (for arbitrary graphs) of huge graphs. As an example, the spectrum of the lexicographic power of the Petersen graph with the googol number (that is, 10^100 ) of vertices is determined. The paper finishes with the extension of some well known spectral and combinatorial invariant properties of graphs to its lexicographic powers.

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Rape myths affect many aspects of the investigative and criminal justice systems. One such myth, the 'real rape' myth, states that most rapes involve a stranger using a weapon attacking a woman violently at night in an isolated, outdoor area, and that women sustain serious injuries from these attacks. The present study examined how often actual offences reported to a central UK police force over a two year period matched the 'real rape' myth. Out of 400 cases of rape reported, not a single incident was found with all the characteristics of the 'real rape' myth. The few stranger rapes that occurred had a strong link to night-time economy activities, such as the victim and offender both having visited pubs, bars, and clubs. By contrast, the majority of reported rape offences (280 cases, 70.7%) were committed by people known to the victim (e.g., domestic and acquaintance rapes), occurred inside a residence, with most victims sustaining no physical injuries from the attack. The benefits of these naturalistic findings from the field for educating people about the inaccuracy of rape myths are discussed.

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Is fairness in process and outcome a generalizable driver of police legitimacy? In many industrialized nations, studies have demonstrated that police legitimacy is largely a function of whether citizens perceive treatment as normatively fair and respectful. Questions remain whether this model holds in less-industrialized contexts, where corruption and security challenges favor instrumental preferences for effective crime control and prevention. Support for and against the normative model of legitimacy has been found in less-industrialized countries, yet few have simultaneously compared these models across multiple industrializing countries. Using a multilevel framework and data from respondents in 27 countries in sub-Saharan Africa (n~43,000), I find evidence for the presence of both instrumental and normative influences in shaping the perceptions of police legitimacy. More importantly, the internal consistency of legitimacy (defined as obligation to obey, moral alignment, and perceived legality of the police) varies considerably from country to country, suggesting that relationships between legality, morality, and obligation operate differently across contexts. Results are robust to a number of different modeling assumptions and alternative explanations. Overall, the results indicate that both fairness and effectiveness matter, not in all places, and in some cases contrary to theoretical expectations.

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Seeking better understanding of the relationship between criminal law and surveillance demands investigating the evolving nature of sovereignty in an era of transnational digital information flows. While territorial boundaries determine the limits of police investigative and surveillance powers under the criminal law, several recent United States (US) examples demonstrate how new forms of extraterritorial surveillance that enable police to access online communications by foreign citizens and digital information stored in offshore locations are authorized by US courts. This discussion outlines how the processes of mutual legal assistance that ordinarily govern the search, seizure and transfer of digital evidence from one jurisdiction to another are increasingly considered to undermine police efficiency, even though they protect the due process rights afforded to crime suspects under established principles of sovereignty (Palmer and Warren 2013).

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This study examined the association between the quality of verbal evidence in cases of sexual assault reported by adults and professionals’ (police and prosecutor) ratings of the likelihood that the cases will result in a conviction at trial. Sixteen police detectives and 19 prosecutors (all specialists in sexual assault) each read two mock sexual offence briefs of evidence, one of a case involving rape of an adult and the other involving an adult reporting historical child sexual abuse. For each case type, two versions of the briefs were developed with regard to evidence quality, which varied according to the degree of elaboration in the responses by the witnesses and suspect, and contextual evidence. Participants rated the likelihood of proceeding with a case and conviction (on 10-point likert scales) and provided a rationale for their decisions. Almost all of the participants agreed that the cases would proceed to court. However, the likelihood of conviction was not associated with the likelihood of proceeding to court, or the evidence quality of the briefs. Differences were found in both the ratings of proceeding to court and conviction, and the factors underpinning the ratings across the two professional groups. The implications of the findings for police organisations are discussed.