983 resultados para Lie algebras.


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We describe the C*-algebras of " ax+b" -like groups in terms of algebras of operator fields defined over their dual spaces.

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Biomarkers are conventionally defined as "biological molecules that represent health and disease states." They typically are measured in readily available body fluids (blood or urine), lie outside the causal pathway, are able to detect subclinical disease, and are used to monitor clinical and subclinical disease burden and response to treatments. Biomarkers can be "direct" endpoints of the disease itself, or "indirect" or surrogate endpoints. New technologies (such as metabolomics, proteomics, genomics) bring a wealth of opportunity to develop new biomarkers. Other new technologies enable the development of nonmolecular, functional, or biophysical tissue-based biomarkers. Diabetes mellitus is a complex disease affecting almost every tissue and organ system, with metabolic ramifications extending far beyond impaired glucose metabolism. Biomarkers may reflect the presence and severity of hyperglycemia (ie, diabetes itself) or the presence and severity of the vascular complications of diabetes. Illustrative examples are considered in this brief review. In blood, hemoglobin A1c (HbA1c) may be considered as a biomarker for the presence and severity of hyperglycemia, implying diabetes or prediabetes, or, over time, as a "biomarker for a risk factor," ie, hyperglycemia as a risk factor for diabetic retinopathy, nephropathy, and other vascular complications of diabetes. In tissues, glycation and oxidative stress resulting from hyperglycemia and dyslipidemia lead to widespread modification of biomolecules by advanced glycation end products (AGEs). Some of these altered species may serve as biomarkers, whereas others may lie in the causal pathway for vascular damage. New noninvasive technologies can detect tissue damage mediated by AGE formation: these include indirect measures such as pulse wave analysis (a marker of vascular dysfunction) and more direct markers such as skin autofluorescence (a marker of long-term accumulation of AGEs). In the future, we can be optimistic that new blood and tissue-based biomarkers will enable the detection, prevention, and treatment of diabetes and its complications long before overt disease develops.

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In the throes of her mimetic exposure of the lie of phallocratic discursive unity in 'Speculum of the Other Woman', Irigaray paused on the impossibility of woman’s voice and remarked that ‘it [was] still better to speak only in riddles, allusions, hints, parables.’ Even if asked to clarify a few points. Even if people plead that they just don’t understand. After all, she said, ‘they never have understood.’ (Irigaray 1985, 143).

That the law has never understood a uniquely feminine narrative is hardly controversial, but that this erasure continues to have real and substantive consequences for justice is a reality that feminists have been compelled to remain vigilant in exposing. How does the authority of the word compound law’s exclusionary matrix? How does law remain impervious to woman’s voice and how might it hear woman’s voice? Is there capacity for a dialogic engagement between woman, parler femme, and law?

This paper will explore these questions with particular reference to the experience of women testifying to trauma during the rape trial. It will argue that a logically linked historical genealogy can be traced through which law has come to posit itself as an originary discourse by which thinking is very much conflated with being, or in other terms, law is conflated with justice. This has consequences both for women’s capacity to speak or represent the harm of rape to law, but also for law’s ability to ‘hear’ woman’s voice and objectively adjudicate in cases of rape. It will suggest that justice requires law acknowledge the presence of two distinct and different subjects and that this must be done not only at the symbolic level but also at the level of the parole, syntax and discourse.

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The European desire to ensure that bearers of EU rights are adequately compensated for any infringement of these rights, particularly in cases where the harm is widely diffused, and perhaps not even noticed by those affected by it, collides with another desire: to avoid the perceived excesses of an American-style system of class actions. The excesses of these American class actions are in European discourse presented as a sort of bogeyman, which is a source of irrational fear, often presented by parental or other authority figures. But when looked at critically, the bogeyman disappears. In this paper, I examine the European (and UK) proposals for collective action. I compare them to the American regime. The flaws and purported excesses of the American regime, I argue, are exaggerated. A close, objective examination of the American regime shows this. I conclude that it is not the mythical bogeyman of a US class action that is the barrier to effective collective redress; rather, the barriers to effective, wide-ranging group actions lie within European legal culture and traditions, particularly those mandating individual control over litigation.

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Contemporary social and political constructions of victimhood and offending behaviour lie at the heart of regulatory policies on child sexual abuse. Legislation is named after specific child victims of high profile cases, and a burgeoning range of pre-emptive measures are enacted to protect an amorphous class of ‘all potential victims’ from the risk sex offenders are seen as posing. Such policies are also heavily premised on the omnipresent predatory stranger. These constructed identities, however, are at odds with the actual identities of victims and offenders of such crimes. Drawing on a range of literatures, the core task of this article is to confront some of the complexities and tensions surrounding constructions of the victim/offender dyad within the specific context of sexual offending against children. In particular, the article argues that discourses on ‘blame’ – and the polarised notions of ‘innocence’ and ‘guilt’ – inform respective hierarchies of victimhood and offending concerning ‘legitimate’ victim and offender status. Based on these insights, the article argues for the need to move beyond such monochromatic understandings of victims and offenders of sexual crime and to reframe the politics of risk accordingly.

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The crystal structure of [HgCl2(Pyo)](n) (Pyo = pyridazine, C4H4N2) consists of chloride-bridged strands of octahedrally coordinated mercuric centers, connected by the two neighboring N atoms of pyridazine molecules. All atoms lie in special positions:Hg with site symmetry 2/m and the others on mirror planes.

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The crystal structure of [HgBr2(Pyo)](n) (Pyo = pyridazine, C4H4N2) consists of strands of octahedrally coordinated mercuric centers asymmetrically bridged by bromide and connected by the two neighboring N atoms of pyridazine molecules to complete the octahedral coordination of mercury. The Hg atoms lie on inversion centers.

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The crystal structure of (Me3PhN)[HgCl3] contains [(CH3)(3)(C6H5)N](+) cations and chains of distorted vertex-sharing [HgCl4](2-) tetrahedra running parallel to [100]. The tetrahedra around mercury(II) are distorted, exhibiting a [2+2] coordination. Apart from one of the Cl atoms, which is located on a twofold rotation axis, and a pair of symmetry-related methyl C atoms, which are located in general positions, all non H-atoms lie on mirror planes.