Hss, Stroop y Stangl: Verdugos profesionales. Estudio comparativo sobre los perpetradores del Holocausto a la luz de sus propias palabras

El presente trabajo es un estudio comparativo sobre perpetradores del Holocausto. Luego de una breve introducción sobre el fenómeno nazi en su contexto, se analizan los casos de tres de sus protagonistas: Rudolf Hss, Jrgen Stroop y Franz Stangl; comandante del campo de exterminio Auschwitz, responsable de la liquidación del gueto de Varsovia y comandante del campo de exterminio de Treblinka respectivamente. El caso de Hss es estudiado a partir de su autobiografía, mientras que los dos restantes a partir de las entrevistas e investigaciones de Kazimierz Moczarski y Gitta Sereny. Hss, Stangl y Stroop fueron condenados por las muertes de 1.100.000, entre 750.00 y 900.00 y 350.000 personas respectivamente. En este sentido una premisa de este trabajo es que ninguno de ellos puede ser considerado hombre corriente o persona común; por el contrario siguiendo a Raul Hilberg se los piensa como sujetos totalmente identificados e impregnados de la cosmovisión y la ideología del nacionalsocialismo y las SS que desde un marco de referencia previo agresivo y violento eventualmente fueron transformándose en asesinos en masa. Como sostiene Gustavo Cosacov estos sujetos serían dueños de una "santidad maligna o invertida" que había reemplazado sus valores éticos y morales cristiano-occidentales; permitiéndoles cometer crímenes en forma sistemática. A pesar de que la cuestión de los victimarios ha sido menos abordada que la de las victimas, en el campo historiográfico existen sólidos aportes. Basta nombrar a Christopher Browning, Peter Longerich o Raul Hilberg para explicitar la corriente de investigación a la que este texto reconoce y aspira. En este sentido el objetivo de las siguientes páginas primero es describir y explicar algunos de los mecanismos históricos, psicológicos y sociológicos que producen a perpetradores de asesinatos en serie de personas tan distantes como desconocidas; como así descifrar a también su marco de referencia. Para ello se hará un repaso crítico por las fuentes históricas a la luz de múltiples disciplinas sociales, analizando sus discursos, sus argumentos, tratando de delinear las voluntades y motivaciones de Hss, Stangl y Stroop. Un concepto clave de esta investigación es "burocracia" en el sentido de Max Weber. En un segundo lugar se reflexionará sobre la violencia nazi, en el sentido de una violencia autotélica contradictoria con respecto al paradigma social liberal y al estado de derecho. En ambos casos se priorizará recrear e interpretar el punto de vista de los perpetradores. Buscando amplitud historiográfica, se utilizarán obras clásicas como también publicaciones recientes sobre el tema. No se busca obtener conclusiones ni respuestas absolutas sino reflexionar, repensar y complejizar a los protagonistas de, acaso, el hecho más oscuro de la historia humana

Mollusca Non-Grata: The influence of top-down control and residence time on the abundance, distribution, and behavior of non-native marine snails in Washington State

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-06

Thelastomatoidea (Nematoda : Oxyurida) of the Australian giant burrowing cockroach, Macropanesthia rhinoceros (Blaberidae : Geoscapheinae)

The thelastomatoid fauna of Macropanesthia rhinoceros was examined from 13 localities across its range in Queensland, Australia. Nine species of thelastomatoids, including two representing new genera, Geoscaphenema megaovum n. g., n. sp. and Jaidenema rhinoceratum n. g., n. sp., were found. Macropanesthia rhinoceros is reported as a new host for seven species previously recorded from Panesthia cribrata (Blaberidae: Panesthiinae) and P. tryoni tryoni, viz, Blattophila sphaerolaima, Leidynemella fusiformis, Cordonicola gibsoni, Travassosinema jaidenae, Coronostoma australiae, Hammerschmidtiella hochi and Desmicola ornata. Overall estimated richness for the system ranged from 10.1-13.5 species. The high degree of parasite faunal overlap between M. rhinoceros and the two Panesthia species is surprising given the disparate ecological niches that they occupy; P. cribrata and P. tryoni tryoni burrow in, and feed upon, moist decaying wood and require a climate that is moist all year round, whereas M. rhinoceros burrows in loose soil, feeds on fallen leaf litter and is tolerant of much drier environments.

A constituição da representação no local de trabalho na região do Grande ABC

Este estudo visa pesquisar e compreender o fenômeno social da Representação dos Trabalhadores no Local de Trabalho na região do Grande ABC. Inicialmente, através de uma revisão de literatura, traçar um histórico da comissão de fábrica e organizações semelhantes pelo mundo, observando sua prática nestes países e abordando administração participativa e o socialismo europeu e a sua autodeterminação. Na sequência abordar a comissão de fábrica no Brasil, narrar a história da primeira comissão de fábrica oficial instalada no país, na fábrica da Ford em São Bernardo do Campo. Segue estudo de tabulação de pesquisa de campo efetuada, com ênfase aos seguintes aspectos: constata-se a prática da RLT pelas empresas; constitui-se a RLT através de empregados indicados pelos trabalhadores, empresas ou pelos sindicatos de trabalhadores; regulamenta-se a RLT através de estatuto; efetiva-se a participação e influência do sindicato dos trabalhadores na RLT; a quais interesses atende a RLT, empresas, sindicatos de trabalhadores ou trabalhadores. A metodologia a ser utilizada é qualitativa, seguida de pesquisa de campo realizada em grupo, com entrelaçamento destes dados com a experiência profissional do autor. A conclusão do estudo é que a RLT é pouco praticada, seus membros são indicados pelos trabalhadores e respectivos sindicatos, prevalece a RLT regulamentada, havendo participação e influência dos sindicatos de trabalhadores. A RLT atende prioritariamente aos interesses das empresas, seguido dos interesses dos sindicatos de trabalhadores e por último, os interesses dos trabalhadores.(AU)

O ESPECTRO DO VERMELHO : UMA LEITURA TEOLÓGICA DO SOCIALISMO NO PARTIDO DOS TRABALHADORES A PARTIR DE PAUL TILLICH E DE ENRIQUE DUSSEL.

Com a fundação do Partido dos Trabalhadores, para os militantes da nova esquerda brasileira, o sonho de um futuro socialista para o país começava a se tornar realidade. Mas ao olhar com atenção para o fenômeno, foi ficando claro que o PT rompia os padrões conhecidos de um partido operário, não somente por ser um amálgama de tendências, mas também pela forte presença cristã. E daí veio a pergunta: que partido é esse? A partir das análises teológicas desenvolvidas por Paul Tillich, procuramos nesta tese construir um caminho novo para explicar o surgimento do Partido dos Trabalhadores e a importância do pensamento cristão social em sua formação e desenvolvimento. Utilizamos como referencial teórico dois autores, Paul Tillich e Enrique Dussel. Os textos socialistas e os conceitos da teologia da cultura de Tillich, assim como as abordagens sobre a religião infraestrutural e sobre o fator religioso no processo revolucionário latino-americano desenvolvidas por Enrique Dussel norteram nossa leitura metodológica. O projeto de pesquisa foi, assim, o socialismo no Partido dos Trabalhadores, a partir de uma abordagem teológica, por isso a tese mostra a importância da Teologia no debate interdisciplinar sobre o socialismo no Partido dos Trabalhadores. De todas as maneiras, a inclusão da Teologia na análise crítica da construção do pensamento socialista no Partido dos Trabalhadores, sem negar a importância dos diálogos interdisciplinares, amplia o horizonte de compreensão dos estudos sobre política, cristianismo e socialismo no Brasil, e mostra, também, a importância da abordagem comparativa representada pela presença da Teologia na discussão da política e do socialismo. A pesquisa bibliográfica primária e qualitativa partiu dos documentos oficiais de encontros e congressos do Partido dos Trabalhadores, assim como de artigos, editoriais e entrevistas publicadas pela imprensa do PT e pela imprensa não partidária.

AS CONTRIBUIÇÕES DOS EDUCADORES BOLCHEVIQUES NA CONCRETIZAÇÃO DE POLÍTICAS EDUCACIONAIS NA EDUCAÇÃO SOVIÉTICA

O presente trabalho, ligado à linha de Políticas e Gestão Educacional, examina o período histórico de 1917 a 1930, em que educadores bolcheviques influenciaram a educação soviética em pleno processo de construção da sociedade revolucionária. Esse importante contexto histórico gerou o interesse pelo tema remetendo este estudo a um período atravessado por discussões educacionais. Assim, procurou-se pesquisar quais foram os educadores que contribuíram para o avanço da educação soviética, o que foi pensado por eles e quais ideias sobre educação foram concretizadas por intermédio de políticas educacionais. Por meio de um estudo da época revolucionária da Rússia, buscou-se apresentar os princípios educacionais de Moisey Mikhaylovic Pistrak (1888-1940), Nadejda Konstantinovna Krupskaya (1869-1939) e Anatóli Lunatcharsky (1875-1933). Tentou-se apurar se as propostas de alguns desses educadores (ou de todos) para a época contribuíram ativamente na implantação da prática pedagógica socialista, fundada no marxismo. Cada um com suas práticas e estudos ajudou a construir o que se conhece na história como uma pedagogia socialista, baseada na ideia do coletivo vinculada ao movimento mais amplo de transformação social. A hipótese sobre a importância prática desses autores foi investigada ao longo do trabalho. A pesquisa intentou contribuir com uma reflexão acerca dos valores possíveis na educação contemporânea, que idealmente deveria valorizar o trabalho do ser humano e as relações de caráter humanitário entre os homens. Contudo, no contexto local não se conseguiu ter acesso, ainda, a uma grande quantidade de estudos relacionados ao tema. Não obstante esse fato, a pesquisa justifica-se como uma análise do período histórico conhecido por sua importância para a evolução da sociedade contemporânea. Parte-se da suposição de que no período pós-revolucionário aconteceu grande efervescência intelectual e cultural, gerando inúmeras propostas diferenciadas nos terrenos da organização escolar, da ação pedagógica, da relação escola-sociedade, da relação escola-unidades de produção, da relação entre educação e cidadania socialista etc. No decorrer da pesquisa, para estudar cada educador, foi preciso buscar em suas obras a presença de quatro temas relevantes no debate soviético daquele período: a nova sociedade soviética (papel dominante do Estado, declínio no papel da igreja e da família, reivindicação do sistema econômico de participação na educação); a organização do ensino por meio da abordagem de problemas (sistema modular); o processo de revolução cultural e a construção do novo homem; e a politecnia. Para fundamentar os temas, foi necessário caracterizar a posição do pensamento e a ação educacional de cada autor. Na abordagem dos temas, buscou-se também outros autores interessados pela educação soviética e pelas correntes doutrinárias no terreno da educação. Considera-se que a pesquisa contribuirá à academia, ao estudo da pedagogia e da política educacional, e à compreensão do pensamento dos educadores bolcheviques.

Introduction

Werner Sombart (1863-1941) was a famous and controversial social scientist in Germany during the early 20th century. Highly influential, his work and reputation have been indelibly tainted by his embrace of National Socialism in the last decade of his life. Although Sombart left an enormous opus spanning disciplinary boundaries, the scholarly assessment of and intellectual reaction to his work inside and outside of Germany is divided, and ambivalent. Best known for his analyses of capitalism - his essay "Why is There No Socialism in the United States?" remains a classic - Sombart consistently responded to the social and political developments that have shaped the 20th century. This collection provides a representative sampling of those portions of Sombart's work that have stood the test of time. The volume opens with a substantial introduction by the editors reviewing Sombart's life and career, the evolution of his major intellectual concerns, his relation to Marx and Weber, and his political affiliation with the Nazis. Their selection of texts emphasizes areas of his economic and cultural thought that remain relevant to intellectual trends in the social sciences, particularly those trends that seek a more broadly based, cross-disciplinary approach to the relationship of culture and economics. Sombart's writings on capitalism are represented by essays on the nature and origin of the market system and the diversity of its actors and motives among the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. Also included is an excerpt from Sombart's controversial volume "The Jews and Modern Capitalism" exploring the widely perceived relation between economic life and Judaism as a religion. In essays on the economics of cultural processes, Sombart's comprehensive and expansive idea of cultural science yields remarkable and prophetic insights into the nature of urbanism, luxury consumption, fashion and the cultural secularization of love. The volume's final section consists of Sombart's reflections on the social influences of technology, the economic life of the future, and on socialism, including the influential essay "Why is There No Socialism in the United States?". Encapsulating the most valuable aspects of his work, this study provides clear demonstration of Sombart's sense for fine cultural distinctions and broad cultural developments and the predictive power of his analyses. It should be of interest to sociologists, economists, political scientists and specialists in cultural studies.

Economic life in the modern age

Werner Sombart (1863-1941) may well have been the most famous and controversial social scientist in Germany during the early twentieth century. Highly influential, his work and reputation have been indelibly tainted by his embrace of National Socialism in the last decade of his life. Although Sombart left an enormous opus spanning disciplinary boundaries, intellectual reaction to his work inside and outside of Germany is divided and ambivalent. Sombart consistently responded to the social and political developments that have shaped the twentieth century. Economic Life in the Modern Age provides a representative sampling of those portions of Sombart's work that have stood the test of time. The volume opens with a substantial introduction reviewing Sombart's life and career, the evolution of his major intellectual concerns, his relation to Marx and Weber, and his political affiliation with the Nazis. The editors' selection of texts emphasizes areas of Sombart's economic and cultural thought that remain relevant, particularly to those intellectual trends that seek a more broadly based, cross-disciplinary approach to culture and economics. Sombart's writings on capitalism are represented by essays on the nature and origin of the market system and the diversity of motives among the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. Also included is an excerpt from Sombart's controversial The Jews and Modern Capitalism, exploring the widely perceived relation between economic life and Judaism as a religion. In essays on the economics of cultural processes, Sombart's comprehensive and expansive idea of cultural science yields prophetic insights into the nature of urbanism, luxury consumption, fashion, and the cultural secularization of love. The volume's final section consists of Sombart's reflections on the social influences of technology, the economic life of the future, and on socialism, including the influential essay "Why is there no Socialism in the United States." Encapsulating the most valuable aspects of his work, Economic Life in the Modern Age provides clear demonstration of Sombart's sense for fine cultural distinctions and broad cultural developments and the predictive power of his analyses. It will be of interest to sociologists, economists, political scientists, and specialists in cultural studies.

Gabo y Fidel:el paisaje de una amistad

Este libro narra la amistad entre Fidel Castro y García Márquez y lo que se aportaron el uno al otro. Descubre entresijos de la alta política del Caribe, el nacimiento y triunfo del sandinismo y cuáles son las piezas que mueven el socialismo internacional para combatir el capitalismo. This book recounts the friendship between Fidel Castro and Garcia Marquez and what was provided to each other. Discover the secrets of high politics in the Caribbean, the birth and triumph of the Sandinistas and what are the pieces that move to counter international socialism capitalism.

The individual and society in the GDR under Honecker : orthodoxy, dissidence and internal debate.

The thesis offers a comparative interdisciplinary approach to the examination of the intellectual debates about the relationship between individual and society in the GDR under Honecker. It shows that there was not only a continuum of debate between the academic disciplines, but also from the radical critics of the GDR leadership such as Robert Havemann, Rudolf Bahro and Stefan Heym through the social scientists, literary critics and legal theorists working in the academic institutions to theorists close to the GDR leadership. It also shows that the official line and policy of the ruling party itself on the question of the individual and society was not static over the period, but changed in response to internal and external pressures. Over the period 1971 - 1989 greater emphasis was placed by many intellectuals on the individual, his needs and interests. It was increasingly recognised that conflicts could exist between the individual and society in GDR socialism. Whereas the radical critics argued that these conflicts were due to features of GDR society, such as the hierarchical system of labour functions and bureaucracy, and extrapolated from this a general conflict between the political leadership and population, orthodox critics argued that conflicts existed between a specific individual and society and were largely due to external and historical factors. The internal critics also pointed to the social phenomena which were detrimental to the individual's development in the GDR, but they put forward less radical solutions. With the exception of a few radical young writers, all theorists studied in this thesis gave precedence to social interests over individual interests and so did not advocate a return to `individualistic' positions. The continuity of sometimes quite controversial discussions in the GDR academic journals and the flexibility of the official line and policy suggests that it is inappropriate to refer to GDR society under Honecker simply as totalitarian, although it did have some totalitarian features. What the thesis demonstrates is the existence of `Teiloffentlichkeiten' in which critical discussion is conducted even as the official, orthodox line is given out for public consumption in the high-circulation media.

Strategies against racism: a comparison of a social movement and case studies of anti-racist policy and practice in the local state

The thesis compares two contrasting strategies employed with the aim of combating particular forms of racism within contemporary Britain. Both are assessed as political strategies in their own right and placed within the broader context of reformist and revolutionary political traditions. The sociology of social movements is examined critically, as are Marxist and post-Marxist writings on the role of human agency within social structures and on the nature of social movements. The history of the Anti Nazi League (ANL) in the late 1970s and its opposition to the National Front is considered as an example of anti-racist social movement based on the Trotskyist model of the United Front. The degree to which the Anti Nazi League corresponded to such a model is analysed as are the potential broader applications for such a strategy. The strategy with which the ANL is compared is the development of anti-racist and equal opportunities policies within local government in the 1980s, primarily by Labour-controlled local authorities. The theory of the local state and the political phenomenon of municipal socialism are discussed, specifically the role of various groups operating in and around local authorities in the formation and implementation of anti-racist policy and practice. Following this general discussion, two case studies in each of the areas of local authority housing, education and employment are explored to consider in depth the problems of specific anti-racist policies. In summation the efficacy of the two strategies are considered as parts of wider political currents in tandem with their declared specific objectives.

The making of an ideology of the third way:the evolution of christian democracy in Germany (with special reference to 1945-49)

This study investigates the search for the third way in the history of German Christian Democracy. Today, in the United Kingdom, the 'third way' is seen as a new phenomenon, a synthesis of post-war belief in the welfare state and neo-liberal conservatism. Yet it insufficiently acknowledges that the origins of third way thinking, the marriage of social justice with free market economics, of individualism with collective responsibility, are found in the early philosophies of Catholic Social Theory and Protestant Social Ethical Teaching in Germany. This study shows that in the hundred years from the 1840s to the end of the 1940s, there were Catholic and Protestant socio-ethical thinkers and political reformists in Germany who attempted to bridge the philosophical differences between liberalism and socialism, to develop a socio-economic order based on Christian moral values. It will focus on the period 1945-1949, when the CDU was founded as the first interdenominational, Christian party. The study provides the first comprehensive account of the political debates in Christian democratic groups in the Soviet, British, French and American allied occupied zones, also giving equal attention to the contribution from the Protestant wing, alongside the more widely acknowledged role of Catholics in the birth of the CDU. It examines how Christian Democrats envisaged correcting the aberrations of German history, by uniting all social classes and Christian religions in one all-embracing Volkspartei, and transforming party politics from its earlier obsession with sectarian and ideological interests towards a more pragmatic 'third way' programme. The study argues that through the making of its ideology, the CDU modified the nation's understanding of its history, re-interpreted its traditions, and redefined the meaning and perception of established political philosophies. This reveals how the ambiguity of political terminology, and the flexible practice of 'third way' politics, were an invaluable political resource in the CDU's campaign for unity, ideological legitimisation and political power.

Scientists, trade unions and labour movement policies for science and technology, 1947-1964

This thesis describes the history of the scientific Left beginning with the period of its most extensive influence in the mid-1940s as a movement for the planning of science and ending with the Labour Party's programme of 1964 claiming to harness science and socialism. Its central theme is the external and internal pressures involved in the project to align left-wing politics, trade unions and social responsibility in science. The problematic aspects of this project are examined in the evolution of the Association of Scientific Workers and the World Federation of Scientific Workers as organisations committed to trade union and science policy objectives. This is presented also in the broader context of the Association's attempts to influence the Trade Union Congress's policies for science and technology in a more radical direction. The thesis argues that the shift in the balance of political forces in the labour movement, in the scientific community and in the state brought about by the Cold War was crucial in frustrating these endeavours. This led to alternative, but largely unsuccessful attempts, in the form of the Engels Society and subsequently Science for Peace to create the new expressions of the left-wing politics of science. However, the period 1956-1964 was characterised by intensive interest within the Labour Party in science and technology which reopened informal channels of political influence for the scientific Left. This was not matched by any radical renewal within the Association or the Trade Union Congress and thus took place on a narrower basis and lacked the democratic aspects of the earlier generation of socialist science policy.