984 resultados para Arabs--Folklore


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Rather than focus on the Afro-Catholic syncretism in Santeria, which other scholars have explored extensively, this thesis treats a related but relatively obscure area of study: a syncretic religious movement that arose in Havana, Cuba in the second half of the twentieth century. The José Movement revolves around the belief in José, a spirit who communicated with people through an acclaimed medium named Leocadia Pérez. Since Pérez's death in 1962, however, the legacy of José has not only spread to Miami among the exile Cuban community, but it has taken on a new direction in Cuba. Given the scarcity of literary sources that contain references to José or Leocadia, the principal methodology used in this investigation is based on oral accounts of those who met and/or knew the leaders, as well as on field observations of those who continue to venerate the spiritual forces these charismatic figures reflect. ^

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Since her discovery in Cuban waters in 1611, La Virgen de la Caridad del Cobre (The Virgin of Charity) has become the leading transnational religious symbol for Cubans. The oldest stories about the appearance of La Virgen in Cuba suggest the presence of Cuban Taino in the early years of her cult. Yet historians have minimized Taino influence when examining Cuba's sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, pivotal years in the cult's development. This thesis demonstrated the significant role of the Taino in the formation of the early cult of La Virgen de la Caridad del Cobre, by employing revisionist historiography to the years between 1492 and 1687, to better understand the demographics and religious culture of Eastern Cuba, where the cult originated. It also found specific contributions from Taino religious culture in the myths, beliefs, and material culture associated with the early cult of La Virgen. ^

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This study explores the interaction of expatriates in Qatar and their perception of their subordination. The study design included participant observation in an all female University and University housing as well as interviews with Qatari government agencies and ministries, expatriate embassies and expatriates. Semi-structured interviews were conducted across seven expatriate groups: domestic workers, unskilled laborers, semiskilled, professionals, housewives, second-generation expatriates with host country other than Qatar, second-generation expatriates with host country Qatar, and Gulf Cooperation Council citizens. Forty-two subjects completed the interview schedule while 87 interviews were incomplete. ^ Physical control of expatriates occurs through the Gulf practice of sponsorship (The Kafeel System), and local cultural and Islamic related controls intertwined with the Arab Code of honor. Interviews and observations revealed rankings of Arabs and foreigners which emphasize Qatari superiority such as tribal identity, moral ranking of female groups by dress, legal protection and power, sexual consideration and desexualization and salaries and job opportunities based on nationality and ethnicity. Individuals who desire to transcend boundaries into the Qatari realm through citizenship or marriage view Qataris as possessing the “image of the unlimited good” and have acquired Qatari social and cultural capital. Members from all expatriate groups engaged in various forms of resistance to labor and gender domination which ranged from forms of “exit,” expressing a hidden transcript in the privacy of their own group, disguised resistance in public, and occasionally, direct confrontation with the Qatari. Although the legal arena created the appearance that worker's needs were being addressed, laborers engaged in forms of “exit” to escape their oppression. Omani students in the hostel disguised their resistance by spreading gossip, nick-naming homosexual Qatari students at the University, acting out a skit depicting their exclusion from Qatari privilege, spreading rumors of impending freedom, and singing songs of despair in the courtyard. Other sites of resistance were expatriate embassies, the road, the newspaper and technology. This study emphasizes that blaming oppression of the expatriate worker on globalization is a simplistic view of oppression in the Gulf, and ignores complex issues within Qatari society and other Gulf States. Sponsorship, servitude, and gender segregation intersect in Qatar to create a system of segregation and domination of expatriates. ^

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This study was a critical reassessment of the problematics of mestizaje in three representative texts pertaining to the Indigenist Peruvian narrative: Yawar Fiesta (1941) by José María Arguedas; El mundo es ancho y ajeno (1941) by Ciro Alegría; and Los ríos profundos (1958) by José María Arguedas. As this investigation demonstrated, Alegría's and Arguedas' writings went beyond the reach of Indianism and orthodox Indigenism, which were prevalent during the first decades of the twentieth century, to emphasize, the values of the Indian peasantry as well as those of the mestizo and mestiza: the products of Indian and white unions, who were also considered representatives of the Peruvian culture. ^ The first chapter traced the historical process of mestizaje and demonstrated how the discursive practice of this mestizaje was expressed in the Indigenist Peruvian narrative. The chronological organization of the chapters in this dissertation paralleled the evolution of this narrative.^ The relevance of my research lies on the important contribution it makes to the field of Indigenist literature, by seeing mestizaje as both a reconstruction and a reinterpretation of the idea of nation, identity and cultural interchange. In Alegría's and Arguedas' novels, the Indigenous reality was not only seen as an isolated phenomenon, but also as the dichotomy of European versus Indian values. As a result, Indigenist narrative presented a true and all encompassing world; therefore, Alegría's and Arguedas' narrative deepened our understanding of the aspects of a multicultural society.^ In order to accomplish this analysis, research was conducted in areas such as history, languages, ethnology, ethnography, anthropology, folklore, religion, and syncretism. My study was based on works such as Antonio Cornejo Polar's heterogeneous literatures, Mijail Bajtín's conception of dialogism and polyphony, Benedict Anderson's Imagined Communities, Angel Rama's notion of transculturation, Homi Bhabha's liminal space, Walter Ong's study of orality and literacy, and Julia Kristeva's theory of abjection, among others.^

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J.R.R. Tolkien was not only an author of fantasy but also a philologist who theorized about myth. Theorists have employed various methods of analyzing myth, and this thesis integrates several analyses, including Tolkien’s. I address the roles of doctrine, ritual, cross-cultural patterns, mythic expressions in literature, the literary effect of myth, evolution of language and consciousness, and individual invention over inheritance and diffusion. Beyond Tolkien’s English and Catholic background, I argue for eclectic influence on Tolkien, including resonance with Buddhism. Tolkien views mythopoeia, literary mythmaking, in terms of sub-creation, human invention in the image of God as creator. Key mythopoetic tools include eucatastrophe, the happy ending’s sudden turn to poignant joy, and enchantment, the realization of imagined wonder, which is epitomized by the character of Tom Bombadil and contrasted with modernist techno-magic seeking to alter and dominate the world. I conclude by interpreting Tolkien’s mythmaking as a form of mysticism.

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The status, roles, and interactions of three dominant African ethnic groups and their descendants in Cuba significantly influenced the island's cubanidad (national identity): the Lucumís (Yoruba), the Congos (Bantú speakers from Central West Africa), and the Carabalís (from the region of Calabar). These three groups, enslaved on the island, coexisted, each group confronting obstacles that threatened their way of life and cultural identities. Through covert resistance, cultural appropriation, and accommodation, all three, but especially the Lucumís, laid deep roots in the nineteenth century that came to fruition in the twentieth. During the early 1900s, Cuba confronted numerous pressures, internal and external. Under the pretense of a quest for national identity and modernity, Afro-Cubans and African cultures and religion came under political, social, and intellectual attack. Race was an undeniable element in these conflicts. While all three groups were oppressed equally, only the Lucumís fought back, contesting accusations of backwardness, human sacrifice, cannibalism, and brujería (witchcraft), exaggerated by the sensationalistic media, often with the police's and legal system's complicity. Unlike the covert character of earlier epochs' responses to oppression, in the twentieth century Lucumí resistance was overt and outspoken, publically refuting the accusations levied against African religions. Although these struggles had unintended consequences for the Lucumís, they gave birth to cubanidad's African component. With the help of Fernando Ortiz, the Lucumí were situated at the pinnacle of a hierarchical pyramid, stratifying African religious complexes based on civilizational advancement, but at a costly price. Social ascent denigrated Lucumí religion to the status of folklore, depriving it of its status as a bona fide religious complex. To the present, Lucumí religious descendants, in Cuba and, after 1959, in many other areas of the world, are still contesting this contradiction in terms: an elevated downgrade.

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This study is concerned with storytelling as a part of the folk culture of a fishing community on the north east coast of Newfoundland. The study is based on field work done in the community throughout the summer of 1969 during which I tape recorded oral narratives along with other folklore and folklife material . The principal genre discussed is the personal experience narrative which is an account of the experiences of either the narrator, someone in his kin network, orhis friends. It was found that a large number of community residents communicate in narrative form and that the narratives function to substantiate conversation preceeding the narrativei have a didactic function; function as a means of entertainment~ and reflect the narrators' and the community's value system. The methods employed in collecting the material were the directive and the non-directive interview techniques and participant observation. Collecting was done mainly among fishermen between fifty and eighty years of age and who, on -the average, had not gone beyond the sixth grade in school. Since the narratives are so much a part of the environment, I give an account of the community culture. The principal things that I deal with are the community's history, economy, education, religion, and social life which includes rites of passage, calendar customs , social events, visiting patterns, and gossip. Information in each of these categories is based primarily on oral reports, narratives and documented materials. After a discussion of the storytelling process in the community, I deal specifically with four male narrators. For each I give biographical information, discuss his repertoire, telling situations, style, and give a sampling of his narratives. The fourth narrator is discussed in more detail than the first three. The narratives of the latter comprise the final chapter in the study, and have been analyzed to show what they tell us about the narrator's style, his value system, and the community culture.

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A religião de Umbanda ocupa grande espaço na vida e no imaginário religioso brasileiro, e adota as lendas, mitos e folclore da cultura popular brasileira. Desprovida de texto sagrado, a Umbanda rejeita a ideia do entendimento de uma literatura sagrada como pressuposto para uma ligação com o divino, sendo mais preocupada com a experiência religiosa e do sagrado, como ponte entre a dimensão humana e divina. Embora de comum acordo sobre a importância da prática na religião de Umbanda, existe um forte debate teológico na questão do valor principal para as práticas e vida religiosa do filho de santo. De um lado, temos a Doutrina Esotérica que aposta na produção textual e teórica e, de outro, temos a Umbanda de popular, que aposta na experiência pessoal do filho de santo com a tradição oral e as práticas religiosas. De sua fundação até a presente data, a Umbanda Esotérica tem apostado na formação acadêmica como base principal para a instrumentalização do filho de santo para a prática no terreiro, assim como publicação de textos, livros, artigos, oferecimento de cursos e a criação da primeira instituição especializada de ensino, a Faculdade de Teologia Umbandista. Se por um lado, para alguns, isso possa parecer uma abertura para a modernização e melhor aceitação das práticas de origem africanas, para outros, representa uma limitação na prática e na experiência do filho de santo devido à racionalidade do espaço acadêmico. Desse modo, pretendo investigar esse conflito no discurso e nas suas especificidades, estudando literatura especializada e orgânica, tendo como eixo de investigação a seguinte questão: O que é mais importante para as práticas religiosas em Umbanda, a formação prática ou a acadêmica?

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General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.