Los ángeles caídos: espejo eurocéntrico de la politología boliviana (1990-2008)

Este estudio da cuenta que la politología boliviana es parte de aquella estructura epistémica en América Latina que hace de nodo en la reproducción del poder colonial condicionando el espacio de lo posible de la política en Bolivia por la vía de la subalternización de saberes y formas de organización política, sobre todo, en un país que se caracteriza por su complejidad social, cultural y política. En este sentido, en lo específico el estudio estribó a estudiar a la ciencia política boliviana como una estructura institucional, es decir, una red compuesta por instituciones intelectuales/académicas (Instituto Latinoamericano de Investigaciones Sociales -ILDIS-Bolivia, Centro Boliviano de Estudios Multidisciplinarios-CEBEM, Fundación boliviana para la capacitación democrática- FUNDEMOS, Fundación Milenio, el Centro de Estudios de la Realidad Económica y Social-CERES, el Programa de Naciones Unidas para el Desarrollo PNUD-Bolivia, la Fundación Boliviana para la Democracia Multipartidaria-FBDM y el Instituto Prisma) todas ellas de algún modo se adscriben a la perspectiva teórica de la corriente institucionalista o a la del Pensamiento ILDIS. La politología boliviana legitimó científicamente la reproducción de la colonialidad del poder y las formas de explotación/dominación emergentes del orden democrático (neo) liberal. A posteriori, con la impronta de los indígenas en el poder al despuntar del siglo XXI, reprodujo la colonialidad del saber en su rol inferiorizador de otras formas de hacer política independientemente del canon de la democracia de occidente.

De región decimonónica a región nacional: la configuración institucional del departamento del Valle, 1910-1948.

El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar desde una perspectiva neo institucional la configuración del departamento del Valle en calidad de región político administrativa en el período 1910-1948. Para alcanzar este propósito, nos concentramos en el estudio de las instituciones o reglas de juego impulsadas, defendidas y promulgadas por la figura del gobernador en calidad de funcionario público y primera autoridad de los vallunos o valle-caucanos. Las fuentes centrales son los Informes anuales del Gobernador antes los miembros de la Asamblea departamental, libros de viajeros y algunos de los periódicos de circulación local y regional en las primeras décadas del siglo XX. Para desarrollar este objetico hemos divido el trabajo en dos partes; en la primera, −integrada por tres capítulos− nos distanciamos de las explicaciones actuales referentes a la creación del departamento del Valle y proponemos una nueva interpretación, centrada en el descontento de las municipalidades ubicadas en el valle geográfico del río Cauca ―Cali, Buga, Palmira, entre otras− por las reglas de juego promulgadas desde Popayán para reinvertir los recaudos fiscales provenientes de sus rentas. De igual forma, con base en la noción de path dependence estudiamos las herencias coloniales y decimonónicas que tuvieron que enfrentar los gobernadores vallunos para poder configurar la nueva región política administrativa. Nos referimos a la inestabilidad del orden político, a la ausencia de vías y sistemas de comunicación y a los métodos tradicionales en la producción agropecuaria. En la segunda parte ―integrada por tres capítulos y las conclusiones− analizamos las instituciones impulsadas por el gobernador del departamento del Valle para consolidar la nueva región político administrativa, propósito que únicamente era posible si superaban los path dependence o herencias coloniales y decimonónicas. El estudio se focaliza en las reglas de juego impulsadas por la primera autoridad de los vallunos para: 1). Alcanzar paz política o paz pública, en calidad de factor determinante en el mantenimiento del orden social; 2). Estimular la apertura y construcción de vías de comunicación y obras de infraestructura; 3). Modernizar los métodos de producción agropecuaria. Finalmente, en las conclusiones señalamos algunas problemáticas que se deben abordar en las futuras investigaciones y de esta manera darle continuidad a la propuesta analítica desarrollada en este trabajo.

Neoconstitucionalismo en Montecristi: actores, procesos e ideas

Esta investigación, realiza en primer lugar, un análisis histórico conceptual del paradigma neoconstitucional en América Latina y Ecuador, en aras de identificar las ideas que inspiran proyectos transnacionales de política jurídica. Luego, se estudian los actores y procesos que participaron del proceso constituyente en Montecristi, con el objetivo de evidenciar la agencia de intelectuales del derecho que influyeron en el diseño constitucional basado en el paradigma neoconstitucional ecuatoriano. Finalmente, a partir de lo anterior, y de desarrollos conceptuales que embeben del institucionalismo histórico ecuatoriano, se argumenta que el neoconstitucionalismo en Montecristi es una utopía desarmada, no sólo por los problemas inherentes a un lenguaje normativista y periférico, sino también, debido a las condiciones políticas y sociales de la polis que busca transformar.

State Policies, Territories and Rights of Indigenous Peoples in Ecuador (1983-2012)

This work seeks to reconstruct the dynamics of the agreements and disagreements between the State and the indigenous peoples in Ecuador, emphasising particularly on two key elements: first, the indigenous peoples participation and exercise of their political rights, in particular the right to self-government and autonomy within their jurisdictions; and secondly, indigenous peoples’ degree of direct influence on public policies’ formulation and implementation, specially those directly affecting their territories, including the exploitation of natural resources. In Ecuador, during this historical period, the state has gone through three major moments in its relationship with indigenous peoples: neo - indigenism associated to developmentalism (1980-1984); multiculturalism associated to neoliberalism (1984- 2006) as one of the dominant trends over the period; and the crisis of neoliberalism and the search for national diversity and interculturalism associated to post- neoliberalism (2007-2013). Each has had a particular connotation, as to the scope and methods to respond to indigenous demands. In this context, this research aims to answer the central question: how has the Ecuadorian State met the demands of the indigenous movement in the last three decades, and how has it ensured the validity of their gradually recognized rights? And how and to what extent by doing so, it contradicts and alters the existing economic model based on the extraction of primary resources?

Cecília Donnangelo y el ethos tecnocrático de la salud pública actual: esencia contrahegemónica de su memoria

Cecília Donnangelo es sin duda una de las figuras mayores del pensamiento crítico latinoamericano sobre la salud. Reavivar su memoria será siempre importante, pero lo es más ahora que la América Latina atraviesa por una etapa de presión ideológica hacia un neo-funcionalismo, que forma parte del ethos tecnocrático del capitalismo del siglo XXI y que ha invadido lamentablemente también la salud colectiva. El propósito de este breve ensayo es enfocar la importancia de sus esclarecedores argumentos sobre los disensos y paradigmas contrapuestos de la epidemiología, terreno en el que sus preocupaciones coinciden con problemas que varios de nosotros hemos trabajado, en el afán de construir una visión crítica sobre la realidad.

Muerte, destierro y simulacro estatal: la consulta previa entre los afrocolombianos

Beginning from an introductory characterization, of the main involved people who form the area of conflict, by the sense of the previous consultation in the country, what I propose in this article, is to create a brief scheme that allows to underline this one as a strategic right of the ethnical groups. The previous consultation and an integral way the agreement 169/89 OIT, inscribes in the complexity dialectical for the decolonization and liberation of these folks, against the capitalistic counterattack, on its new stage of primary accumulation, which consumes huge regions of the world. Here is raised that actually, linked to the neo-extractivism, the major ethnocide against the Afro-descendants born in the Americas, which is carrying it out in Colombia.

Putting the pieces back together again: an illustration of the problem of interpreting development indicators using an African case study

Indicators are commonly recommended as tools for assessing the attainment of development, and the current vogue is for aggregating a number of indicators together into a single index. It is claimed that such indices of development help facilitate maximum impact in policy terms by appealing to those who may not necessarily have technical expertise in data collection, analysis and interpretation. In order to help counter criticisms of over-simplification, those advocating such indices also suggest that the raw data be provided so as to allow disaggregation into component parts and hence facilitate a more subtle interpretation if a reader so desires. This paper examines the problems involved with interpreting indices of development by focusing on the United Nations Development Programmes (UNDP) Human Development Index (HDI) published each year in the Human Development Reports (HDRs). The HDI was intended to provide an alternative to the more economic based indices, such as GDP, commonly used within neo-liberal development agendas. The paper explores the use of the HDI as a gauge of human development by making comparisons between two major political and economic communities in Africa (ECOWAS and SADC). While the HDI did help highlight important changes in human development as expressed by the HDI over 10 years, it is concluded that the HDI and its components are difficult to interpret as methodologies have changed significantly and the 'averaging' nature of the HDI could hide information unless care is taken. The paper discusses the applicability of alternative models to the HDI such as the more neo-populist centred methods commonly advocated for indicators of sustainable development. (C) 2003 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Neocolonialism and international law, with specific reference to customary counterterrorism obligations and the principle of self-defence

Has international law ever, and, if it has not, can it ever, truly freed itself from the strictures of neocolonialism and the drive by a privileged elite to dominate the world scene? This article begins by inquiring into the nature of neocolonialism and, in so doing, pays particular attention to the writings of former Ghanaian President Kwame Nkrumah. It then proceeds to determine how neocolonialist designs surface in international law today by briefly looking at two aspects of international law in particular, namely customary international law, with specific reference to the counterterrorism context, and the principle of self-defence. In the final analysis, this article argues for a necessary and eternal scepticism of international law and the agendas of its privileged gatekeepers. Like classic State power, it opens itself to, and often operates as, neocolonial overreach, and to quote Nkrumah, “[t]he cajolement, the wheedlings, the seductions and the Trojan horses of neo-colonialism must be stoutly resisted, for neo-colonialism is a latter-day harpy, a monster which entices its victims with sweet music.”

Re-engineering construction: going against the grain

An overtly critical perspective on 're-engineering construction' is presented. It is contended that re-engineering is impossible to define in terms of its substantive content and is best understood as a rhetorical label. In recent years, the language of re-engineering has heavily shaped the construction research agenda. The declared goals are to lower costs and improve value for the customer. The discourse is persuasive because it reflects the ideology of the 'enterprise culture' and the associated rhetoric of customer responsiveness. Re-engineering is especially attractive to the construction industry because it reflects and reinforces the existing dominant way of thinking. The overriding tendency is to reduce organizational complexities to a mechanistic quest for efficiency. Labour is treated as a commodity. Within this context, the objectives of re-engineering become 'common sense'. Knowledge becomes subordinate to the dominant ideology of neo-liberalism. The accepted research agenda for re-engineering construction exacerbates the industry's problems and directly contributes to the casualization of the workforce. The continued adherence to machine metaphors by the construction industry's top management has directly contributed to the 'bad attitudes' and 'adversarial culture' that they repeatedly decry. Supposedly neutral topics such as pre-assembly, partnering, supply chain management and lean thinking serve only to justify the shift towards bogus labour-only subcontracting and the associated reduction of employment rights. The continued casualization of the workforce raises real questions about the industry's future capacity to deliver high-quality construction. In order to appear 'relevant' to the needs of industry, it seems that the research community is doomed to perpetuate this regressive cycle.

Exploring the construction of social class in educational discourse: the rational order of the nation state versus global uncertainties

This article aims to create intellectual space in which issues of social inequality and education can be analyzed and discussed in relation to the multifaceted and multi-levelled complexities of the modern world. It is divided into three sections. Section One locates the concept of social class in the context of the modern nation state during the period after the Second World War. Focusing particularly on the impact of 'Fordism' on social organization and cultural relations, it revisits the articulation of social justice issues in the United Kingdom, and the structures put into place at the time to alleviate educational and social inequalities. Section Two problematizes the traditional concept of social class in relation to economic, technological and sociocultural changes that have taken place around the world since the mid-1980s. In particular, it charts some of the changes to the international labour market and global patterns of consumption, and their collective impact on the re-constitution of class boundaries in 'developed countries'. This is juxtaposed with some of the major social effects of neo-classical economic policies in recent years on the sociocultural base in developing countries. It discusses some of the ways these inequalities are reflected in education. Section Three explores tensions between the educational ideals of the 'knowledge economy' and the discursive range of social inequalities that are emerging within and beyond the nation state. Drawing on key motifs identified throughout, the article concludes with a reassessment of the concept of social class within the global cultural economy. This is discussed in relation to some of the major equity and human rights issues in education today.