996 resultados para confidence measures


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Deakin University was engaged by the Department of Sustainability and Environment to develop an Index of Estuary Condition (IEC) for evaluating the environmental condition of Victorian estuaries. The Index will ultimately complement the existing Index of Stream Condition (ISC) by providing a consistent statewide assessment of the environmental condition of estuaries. This will better enable:

• Estuarine condition to be reported at regional, state and national levels.

• Prioritisation of resource allocation.

• Strategic evaluation of management interventions in estuaries.

Workshops involving participants with expertise in a variety of disciplines were convened to integrate learnings from assessment programs currently being developed interstate and overseas. This report synthesises and builds on the output from those workshops which:

• Identified key components (themes) of estuaries that contribute to estuarine condition.

• Contributed to development of a broad conceptual model for Victorian estuaries

• Identified possible measures of each theme

In keeping with the sub-indices of the ISC, six themes were identified for use in the IEC: Physical form, Hydrology, Water quality, Sediment, Flora and Fauna. Several measures within each theme are recommended to assess estuary condition.

Implementation of particular measures in the IEC partly depends on the investment required to both collect and interpret the required data. With regard to data collection, each measure was assessed according to whether there is an established sampling procedure, how frequently data need to be collected and the level of expertise required for collection and processing. For interpreting the data, measures were scored on whether baseline condition is established and whether descriptions and scores are developed which reflect the extent of deviation from that condition. These scores were used to indicate which measures are feasible to implement immediately and which require further investigation.

A trial of the recommended IEC measures in a selection of estuaries is recommended as it would provide an opportunity to test the measures and their suitability for application statewide. It is suggested that the trial is conducted in estuaries subject to various levels of threats within each of the four estuary classes described by Barton et al. (2008)

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Background:
Physical activity (PA) is inversely associated with obesity but the effect has been difficult to quantify using questionnaires. In particular, the shape of the association has not yet been well described. Pedometers provide an opportunity to better characterize the association.

Methods:
Residents of households over the age of 25 years in randomly selected census districts in Tasmania were eligible to participate in the AusDiab cross-sectional survey conducted in 1999–2000. 1848 completed the AusDiab survey and 1126 of these (609 women and 517 men) wore a pedometer for 2-weekdays. Questionnaire data on recent PA, TV time and other factors were obtained. The outcomes were waist circumference (in cm) and body mass index (BMI) (kg/m2).

Results:
Increasing daily steps were associated with a decline in the obesity measures. The logarithmic nature of the associations was indicated by a sharper decline for those with lower daily steps. For example, an additional 2000 steps for those taking only 2000 steps per day was associated with a reduction of 2.8 (95% confidence interval (CI): 2.1,4.4) cm in waist circumference among men (for women; 2.2 (95% CI: 0.6, 3.9 cm)) with a baseline of only 2000, steps compared to a 0.7 (95% CI 0.3, 1.1) cm reduction (for women; 0.6 (95% CI: 0.2, 1.0)) for those already walking 10 000 steps daily. In the multivariable analysis, clearer associations were detected for PA and these obesity measures using daily step number rather than PA time by questionnaire.

Interpretation:
Pedometer measures of activity indicate that the inverse association between recent PA and obesity is logarithmic in form with the greatest impact for a given arithmetic step number increase seen at lower levels of baseline activity. The findings from this study need to be examined in prospective settings.

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Background : While previous research on fast food access and purchasing has not found evidence of an association, these studies have had methodological problems including aggregation error, lack of specificity between the exposures and outcomes, and lack of adjustment for potential confounding. In this paper we attempt to address these methodological problems using data from the Victorian Lifestyle and Neighbourhood Environments Study (VicLANES) – a cross-sectional multilevel study conducted within metropolitan Melbourne, Australia in 2003.
Methods : The VicLANES data used in this analysis included 2547 participants from 49 census collector districts in metropolitan Melbourne, Australia. The outcome of interest was the total frequency of fast food purchased for consumption at home within the previous month (never, monthly and weekly) from five major fast food chains (Red Rooster, McDonalds, Kentucky Fried Chicken, Hungry Jacks and Pizza Hut). Three measures of fast food access were created: density and variety, defined as the number of fast food restaurants and the number of different fast food chains within 3 kilometres of road network distance respectively, and proximity defined as the road network distance to the closest fast food restaurant. Multilevel multinomial models were used to estimate the associations between fast food restaurant access and purchasing with never purchased as the reference category. Models were adjusted for confounders including determinants of demand (attitudes and tastes that influence food purchasing decisions) as well as individual and area socio-economic characteristics.
Results : Purchasing fast food on a monthly basis was related to the variety of fast food restaurants (odds ratio 1.13; 95% confidence interval 1.02 – 1.25) after adjusting for individual and area characteristics. Density and proximity were not found to be significant predictors of fast food purchasing after adjustment for individual socio-economic predictors.
Conclusion : Although we found an independent association between fast food purchasing and access to a wider variety of fast food restaurant, density and proximity were not significant predictors. The methods used in our study are an advance on previous analyses.

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Introduction. No previous population-based studies have used validated instruments to measure female sexual dysfunction (FSD) in Australian women across a broad age range.
Aim. To estimate prevalence and explore factors associated with the  components of FSD.
Main Outcome Measures. Sexual Function Questionnaire measured low sexual function. Female Sexual Distress Scale measured sexual distress.
Methods. Multivariate analysis of postal survey data from a random sample of 356 women aged 20–70 years.
Results. Low desire was more likely to occur in women in relationships for 20–29 years (odds ratio 3.7, 95% confidence intervals 1.1–12.8) and less likely in women reporting greater satisfaction with their partner as a lover (0.3, 0.1–0.9) or who placed greater importance on sex (0.1, 0.03–0.3). Low genital arousal was more likely among women who were perimenopausal (4.4, 1.2–15.7), postmenopausal (5.3, 1.6–17.7), or depressed (2.5, 1.1–5.3), and was less likely in women taking hormone therapy (0.2, 0.04–0.7), more educated (0.5, 0.3–0.96), in their 30s (0.2, 0.1–0.7) or 40s (0.2, 0.1–0.7), or placed greater importance on sex (0.2, 0.05–0.5). Low orgasmic function was less likely in women who were in their 30s (0.3, 0.1–0.8) or who placed greater importance on sex (0.3, 0.1–0.7). Sexual distress was positively associated with depression (3.1, 1.2–7.8) and was inversely associated with better communication of sexual needs (0.2, 0.05–0.5). Results were adjusted for other covariates including age, psychological, socioeconomic, physiological, and relationship factors.
Conclusions. Relationship factors were more important to low desire than age or menopause, whereas physiological and psychological factors were more important to low genital arousal and low orgasmic function than relationship factors. Sexual distress was associated with both psychological and relationship factors.

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Introduction. A wide range of prevalence estimates of female sexual dysfunctions (FSD) have been reported.
Aim. Compare instruments used to assess FSD to determine if differences between instruments contribute to variation in reported prevalence.
Main Outcome Measures. Sexual Function Questionnaire combined with Female Sexual Distress Scale (SFQ-FSDS) was our gold standard, validated instrument for assessing FSD. Alternatives were SFQ alone and two sets of simple questions adapted from Laumann et al. 1994.
Methods. A postal survey was administered to a random sample of 356 Australian women aged 20 to 70 years.
Results. When assessed by SFQ-FSDS, prevalence estimates (95% confidence intervals) of hypoactive sexual desire disorder, sexual arousal disorder (lubrication), orgasmic disorder, and dyspareunia were 16% (12% to 20%), 7% (5% to 11%), 8% (6% to 12%), and 1% (0.5% to 3%), respectively. Prevalence estimates varied across alternative instruments for these disorders: 32% to 58%, 16% to 32%, 16% to 33%, and 3% to 23%, respectively. Compared with SFQ-FSDS alternative instruments produced higher estimates of desire, arousal and orgasm disorders and displayed a range of sensitivities (0.25 to 1.0), specificities (0.48 to 0.99), positive predictive values (0.01 to 0.56), and negative predictive values (0.95 to 1.0) across the disorders investigated. Kappa statistics comparing SFQ-FSDS and alternative instruments ranged from 0 to 0.71 but were predominantly 0.44 or less. Changing recall from previous month to 1 month or more in the previous year produced higher estimates for all disorders investigated. Including sexual distress produced lower estimates for desire, arousal, and orgasm disorders.
Conclusions. Prevalence estimates of FSD varied substantially across instruments. Relatively low positive predictive values and kappa statistics combined with a broad range of sensitivities and specificities indicated that different instruments identified different subgroups. Consequently, the instruments researchers choose when assessing FSD may affect prevalence estimates and risk factors they report.

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In this thesis, the link between substance abuse and family dysfunction is examined, and an argument is made for the assessment of family dysfunction when treating clients with substance abuse issues. Family dysfunction has been associated with a broad range of problems in children (e.g., low self esteem, increased risk of child abuse) through to adolescence and adulthood (e.g., increased risk of mental disorders such as depressive disorders, substance abuse disorders, and personality disorders) (Kaplan & Sadock, 1998). It is not the purpose of this thesis to suggest that family dysfunction causes substance abuse but rather to highlight that family dysfunction can in some cases place the individual at greater risk of substance abuse. Therefore, in order to understand the reasons why substance abuse developed and how it is maintained in the present requires the assessment of family dysfunction. Further, the importance of assessing the role and impact that family dysfunction may have had on the client, may help to better understand the nature and extent of substance abuse so that relevant and appropriate treatment goals for change may be set, progress monitored, and risk of relapse reduced. Chapter 1 provides a brief introduction to this thesis, and Chapter 2 is a review of the literature on the impact of family dysfunction including poor parental attachment and supervision, neglect, physical and sexual abuse, in adolescence and adulthood. Four case studies are presented to illustrate how family dysfunction and substance abuse may be related, thus highlighting the importance of assessing family dysfunction when treating substance abuse clients. All of the case studies include an individual with a substance abuse disorder (namely heroin) but they are diverse in terms of the types and extent of family dysfunction. The final chapter discusses the case studies in relation to the literature reviewed. Lastly, it gives consideration to the implication of a history of family dysfunction, and how it may impact negatively on treatment and therefore prognosis.

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Synopsis: Crossing Bowen Street Crossing Bowen Street is an extended novel set in Melbourne, Australia. The protagonist, Meg Flanagan, is accepted to teachers' college. Meg is 24 years old and has worked, and lived out of home, since 17. Having completed her year 12 studies part time while working, she has applied to the Melbourne State College for a Bachelor of Education. Melbourne State College is subsequently 'amalgamated'A into Philip University, the original 19th century sandstone institution which borders MSC. Meg has worked as a medical secretary prior to commencing her studies. An only child, she is the first member of her family to go to university, indeed to finish high school. Tertiary study is exciting for Meg and the novel explores the psychic journey as well as the intellectual one, as Meg experiences challenges to the possibilities for her life and the trajectory along which she once assumed it would flow. The narrative is told through episodic and epistolary forms, with particular periods in Meg's cultural and academic life forming the focus, picking up the integral elements of her journey and examining the psychic context and action. Characters in the undergraduate chapters of the novel are somewhat transient, although very important to Meg's rapidly developing, changing sense of herself. The constant 'trying out' of ways of being and even lifestyles sees Meg losing old 'friendships' and making new, even temporary, ones all the time. This allows the opportunity for Meg to explore her feelings about connecting to others and the nature of her relationships. The Meg reflected back to her by others is of constant interest to her, particularly as she is frequently reminded that others see a very different Meg than she does. The novel commences at the outset of Meg's tertiary career, as she initially articulates the extent of her aspiration, of her sense of the possibility of her own life. Each vignette deals, chronologically, with an aspect of Meg's expanding sense of possibility, socially, emotionally, intellectually. Certain vignettes explore her relations with friends and acquaintances in the course, which in turn provide A In 1988, Federal Labor Minister for Education John Dawkins, devised a plan to end the streaming of Australian tertiary institutions and created what is called the Unified National System. This meant that colleges of advanced education and institutes of technology were either created universities in their own right, or more commonly, merged with an appropriate existing university. This process allows a fascinating insight into the class dimensions of hierarchies and stratifications. The need of universities and their members for status has been profoundly underscored. the background and context for her sexual relationships. That aspect of her developing subjectivity provides a marked contrast, which Meg uses as leverage, when set against her sense of herself as a scholar and her growing notion of entitlement, which allows her to 'choose', where previously she believed she had no choice; the choice is a scholarly career. Within all this, Meg discovers and is deeply empowered by certain political left, and feminist, discourses within the university community. She is equally dismayed and alienated by other feminist practices; her growing engagement with her own agency sees her quickly abandoning feminist subject positions previously dear to her, which served a particular purpose and are now superseded. This notion of feeling betrayed by the promise of a value system (or rather, its practitioners) will recur throughout the action of the novel, as Meg moves into an academic role, first as doctoral student and then as academic, seeking to live her values as practice and to remain true to what her trajectory has taught her. This is crystallised in the novel as the role played by the place she came from, and how that informs, and complicates, who she becomes. The novel seeks to explore the fundamental contradictions in doing so, through Meg's increasing awareness that the academy is not the harmonious, class aware institution she has idealised, but a world driven by status and hierarchies. This realisation must be reconciled in the light of Meg's anxieties about her working-class background. Meg's doctoral training at an elite university underscores her developing sense of what constitutes excellence and the role played by highly influential conservative institutions in maintaining social arrangements. As her academic career unfolds, the holding of a Cambridge PhD allows Meg opportunities to make change as certain privileges are afforded her by virtue of her Cambridge status. Yet it is this very notion that she seeks to challenge. Her growing passion for the State University of Victoria, an institution developed for the education of working-class people, informs her activism within the academy. Why are excellence and equity polarised? Why does the institution matter more than the scholarship? Why is so much practice within universities contrary to the values scholars often claim? These questions are explored through the dynamics of academic working life as student and later as a teacher at a university with an explicit equity agenda. The Start of the End (2003): The action commences on a late Friday after at SUV, when the Department of Communication & Cultural Studies has just been advised of Meg's promotion to Associate Professor. This vignette sees the initial soiree and celebrations and allows Meg to reflect on her experience. As her colleagues and friends are congratulating her, a particular student comes looking for Meg. It is clear that Angela Watson needs course advice particularly from Meg. Their discussion seems a straightforward one on the face of it, but it underscores many things; that Meg has come the full circle in her academic life, and what it is that her journey has really been about. The route to professorial appointment is considered, as is the source of Meg's greatest professional joy and fulfillment; is it scholarship, followed by leadership, in her discipline? It is knowing she has continued to speak and act to change the life chances of all students, wherever possible? Or is it the subtle distilling of both of these, along with the knowledge which emerges from the nexus of teaching and research. That scholarship, new knowledge, surely must be taking us somewhere specific in relation to others? The more we know, the more we can do...to what end? From this reflection, we see the action of the novel unfold. We return to this scene at the end of the novel, as Meg considers the trajectory of her life and its themes in her work. The novel ends as she is faced with the next challenge. Arrival (1989): Acceptance sees Meg as she is attempting to transform her life and create a new one. She has just been advised of her admission to an undergraduate Bachelor of Education program, at the major Melbourne teachers' college. Meg shares her rented home with her high school best friend, Anna, and her fiance, Jason, who appears to be superfluous in her life. Meg is aware he is a partner for who she used to be. We see Meg in her job as a medical secretary and this allows the mapping of Meg's sense of her own world, as she travels between home and work. This first stage of seeking her aspiration- to be an English teacher-evolves. As Meg considers the meaning of what she is about to do and how she knows it is right. This involves a consideration of what work means in our lives and how this is different for jobs according to how they are classed. Her relationship with the life she has known, the person she has been, is changing and this change is represented through her relationship with Jason. Meg's first day at teachers' college demonstrates that she is in a constant, often painful, dialogue with herself. The difficulties she encounters in making sense of the relation between her two 'lives' are thrown into sharp relief. The preparation for college sees Meg interrogating herself about how she can be different. Her initial experiences at the College resonate with her highest expectations of the life that awaits her, of the multiple possibilities currently being authored for her. Her first attendance at classes offers the opportunity to try out some of those possibilities, to test them against those she meets and to map the ways she could discover to 'be'. There is much tension and fear, but also endless excitement and these conflicting emotional states parallel and marble each other. It is on this day that she meets Jennifer Wren, her first real friend at university, who offers so many challenges to Meg. Their friendship involves a constant exhausting shift of subject positions, which Meg is able to look back on with affection in years to come. Going Bowling (1989): within a few weeks of commencing at university, Meg is socializing with some of her new friends, having neatly segmented her home and college lives. Meg has already realised that her friendships fall into separate groups; her friendship with Jennifer and the people Jennifer knows does not find its way into this group. They meet in the city to go bowling and have a meal. While Meg really enjoys these new people, already tensions are developing in relations between the group. Their unofficial leader, Rosemary Marshall, has a tendency to seek control and already resistance is showing. Rosemary particularly does not like Jennifer. Meg is enjoying her flirtation with Pete Danville, whom she has assumed to be gay. His very flattering attention has already developed Meg's confidence and stoked her ego, which has eroded in her stagnating relationship with Jason. Rosie has developed a crush on Pete and seems to take the flirtation with Meg personally. Dynamics in the group become slightly uncomfortable but Meg has grown quickly fond of her new friends, especially flamboyant Marina, another whom Rosemary seems to dislike. The discussions which occur during their evening deepen both the relationships and the tensions between them and draw lines which will determine the outcome of their various friendships. The Ball (1990): In the third year of her degree, much has happened to Meg. She is married to Jason, although she omits him from much of her psychic (and practical) life. Meg and her friends attend the Faculty's annual formal dinner dance. Meg has so far managed to balance the competitiveness which occurs between all of them, both academically and personally. The negotiation of her respective friendships with Jennifer and Marina requires a great deal of diplomacy; the subtext in this is very disturbing to Meg. What exactly is the conflict about? She can't be sure why they don't like each other; it could be Marina's smoking, or Jennifer's confidence to spare, but these things also annoy her, yet she does not fight with either girl as they do with each other. Rose has always insisted that the problem is Jennifer's private school background, but Marina went to a catholic girls' school, so what could the difference be? The ball is initially a happy occasion; the girls dress up and they dance and drink champagne together with the boys. But dynamics operating beneath the surface force their way up. Rosie is ready to force Pete to confront her continuing crush on him; Pete confronts Meg about their ongoing flirtation. Meg gives in and admits to herself for the first time that she does want to be with Pete. He is grown up and exciting and strong. He offers her something she has never had with Jason. Married less than a year, she pushes her husband out of her thoughts. The events of the ball force Meg to confront the differences between all her friends and the discomfort this affords everyone. Rosie's continued need for control over the group is acknowledged. Future Present (1991): Meg lives in Carlton with Pete. This is the busiest year thus far in her academic career and the financial, academic and emotional pressure is showing. This vignette gives us the range of Meg's academic activities and the way her life has fallen since the events at the ball eight months earlier. We see Meg grappling with her own evaluation of the changes in her 'way of being'; trying on different ways of living that she has idealised and finding them just as wanting as the last. Meg faces some key existential questions in this vignette and seeks answers which she finally discovers only she can give. Her relationship with Pete, the values and goals they share (and don't share) are thrown into sharp relief and provide a touchstone for the clearer determination of Meg's aspiration and future. Her relationship with various female friends is also revisited and this offers insight into Meg's constant checking of herself against idealised female templates. There is a crisis of identity and strength which constitutes an important fork in Meg's road. Beyond (1992): Beyond sees Meg determinedly seeking ways she can progress towards her goal, while still constantly checking against herself that postgraduate study (let alone a scholarly life) is available to her. We accompany Meg as she seeks and locates the academic path she wants; this is the backdrop for her further psychic exploration of the women who intimidate yet fascinate her, particularly Heloise Waul, who is a significant influence through Meg's postgraduate career. The sites in which Meg's personal struggles manifest are highlighted in this vignette, particularly in terms of dress and cultural pursuit. The conversations between Meg and Heloise also allow an exploration of the feminist politics of that milieu and the class tensions which operate tacitly within those politics. Bound to the Caucus (1992); Meg has now nearly completed her undergraduate degree and has been active for some time in university life and student politics. Her feminist and socialist education is well advanced. Bound to the Caucus shows us Meg in her student politics world for the first time, where the segue of her activism and academic life have taken her. Meg has found female friends who understand that part of her which struggles with inadequacy, although at this point in the novel this common struggle is not well understood or articulated. It is in this vignette that Meg admits her growing attraction for a Liberal student activist, Stuart Noble; this proscribed liaison raises many questions about values and aspiration, as well as the dominant sexual politics of the time and place. Bound to the Caucus also offers insight into the student activism occurring at universities like Philip in the early 1990s. Divergence (1993): Set in 1993, Meg is now in the early weeks of her honours program, although she has been at work on her thesis on the poet William Blake for some months. Living unhappily in a share household near the University, her relationship with Stuart Noble continues to develop, reaching a crisis point in this period. These events occur in the context of Meg's activist career in the Student Left, particularly as she encounters issues of identity around her class, feminism and difference amongst Left women. While Meg fights these battles passionately in an intense milieu, she considers them emotionally in terms of her changing sense of herself. Meg is increasingly aware that the personal impact of her class is changing for her. Additionally, she explores her relation with a 'boyfriend' of right wing political affiliation; Meg comes to recognise that this relationship is undermining her sense of herself in a way that her relationships with women in the left previously did. Honour Roll (1993): Meg is now undertaking honours and this vignette opens with Meg seeing the honours coordinator, Professor Michaela Moore, who approximates all those apparently middle-class traits to which Meg has such a push-pull relation. We see the return of a chapter of the honours thesis, discussion of the content and the constantly shifting subject positions these experiences offer Meg. This vignette also directly introduces Agnes. Mia and Agnes meet Meg after her supervision and this conversation allows very distinct if tacit class themes to develop. Meg has warmed quickly to Agnes, who is unlike anyone she has known; they have much in common in relation to their work and this binds them. Mia continually presents a viewpoint which irritates Meg, in relation to entitlement: to academic life, to funding, even to questioning how these things are enabled. Honour Roll allows us to see Meg's flourishing theoretical and intellectual life and its role in assisting her emotionally as she re-frames the same conundrums that previously constituted obstacles. The Cusp (1993): Meg's developing friendship with Agnes offers her enormous insights into difference and her developing sense of self and aspiration. While the girls come from diametrical backgrounds, they are united by their passion for their research and scholarly work. Meg is increasingly self-conscious through their discussions in terms of how she has seen herself and allowed herself to dream and seek. Cusp is set at the end of the honours year, prior to the release of results. Meg and Agnes explore their feelings about academia and this leads to discussions of purpose and the role of class within that. This vignette also documents Meg's growing social confidence and those aspects of herself which have become so sure to her, that she no longer considers them at all. Whom (1996): [Not included in this abridged edition]. Set at Cambridge, two thirds into Meg's doctorate, Whom shows Meg in the mental space which will take her back to Melbourne and the State University of Victoria. Having risen to the challenge of doctoral study, she is confronted now by deeper demons, and the need to explore and challenge them in the ambivalent context of Cambridge, which so excites her still, but which has proved empty of the profoundly held higher ideals she expected to see reflected. Set in the midst of Meg's doctoral study, this vignette is dramatically abridged in the submission novel. The importance of Whom lies in its concern with Meg's rapidly shifting sense of herself and her own scholarly subjectivity and the changes to these that the culture of Cambridge has wrought. By the second year of her PhD Meg is crystal clear about her goals and decides to spend the long break at home, rather than travelling, because she wishes to 'touch base' with her future. The action described segues into that in Courting the Enemy. Whom describes Meg's ambivalent and contradictory but passionate feelings about Cambridge. Whom demonstrates Meg's increasing anger at the status and privilege to which her education now automatically admits her, and her need to find some sort of stasis and safety in her emotional life. In this vignette, Meg meets her life partner, Jeremy McCallum (I have intentionally reduced the attention in the novel to Meg's romantic life as she matures into her career). Courting the Enemy (late 1990s): By this time, Meg is a senior lecturer in English at the State University of Victoria, which was established in the nineteenth century as the Worker's College. This vignette starts with Meg's attendance at a University Committee which is considering a transformation in relation to equity in admissions policy. Meg was drawn to SUV because of its transparent and determined commitment to educate the children of working-class people. An attack on the equity admission policy of her university galvanizes Meg and some of her colleagues. The action of the vignette considers the role of the scholar, and of such an institution as SUV, in the light of daily academic life. This vignette is primary in its demonstration of the themes of the novel. In the unabridged version, I took the opportunity to illustrate some of the vast range of administrative, intellectual and even physical demands on a senior scholar in the routine of academic life. In placing Meg in this context, I sought to highlight how a scholar of her values and commitment makes sense of the constantly shifting terrain of her working world and how this continually informs her practice. This vignette is also significant for its retrospective description of Meg's employment at SUV some years earlier. Locus: (1995). This piece of writing stands apart from the rest of the novel. I wished to write in a reflective voice, which might be from Meg's journal, were it not in the (omniscient) third person, in order to consider the headspace and meaning-making which occurs as Meg settles into Cambridge, and the lifestyle her situation allows her. Locus is a deeper engagement with Meg's sense of her identity. It considers the impact on her of the physical journeys she must make to match those of her psyche. These are thoughts too personal for a letter, even to Anna. Meg is exploring her ever shifting self and the growth in her self-belief allows her to explore what is rage; that she was bounded by illusions about her worth. Locus seeks to allow some context for Meg's anger at the role Cambridge plays. I seek to create the space in which Meg's dawning self understanding will lead her to her next, driven, purpose. Letters: throughout the novel letters are used to reveal and inform Meg's relationship with her family. This is an intentional device to distance the birth family in an attempt to blur and muddy an assessment of Meg's class through traditional measures. The letters between Meg and Aunty Jean particularly reveal much of the classed emotional antecedents of Meg's life. There are also letters exchanged with Meg's high school best friend, Anna, who has moved to the country and a very different lifestyle. Meg writes to Anna often, using the acceptance she feels in the friendship and her sense that Anna understands her, to touchstone her own emotional growth. Formal letters from institutions ring changes in settings and mark significant points in the geographical and academic trajectory of the character. All the letters serve to introduce time and event changes consistent with the episodic style of the narrative.

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The maintenance of functional physical fitness across the lifespan depends upon the presence or absence of disease, injury, and the level of habitual physical activity. The prevalence of sedentariness rises with increasing age culminating in 31% of elderly women being classified as leading a sedentary lifestyle. Exercise prescription that involves easily accomplished physical activity may result in the maintenance of mobility into old age through a reduction in the risk of premature death and disablement from cardiovascular disease and a reduction in the risk of falls and injuries from falls. It may be that short bouts of physical activity are more appealing to the sedentary and to those in full time employment than longer bouts, and it may be that short bouts of exercise, performed three times per day, can improve physical fitness. The purpose of this study was therefore to examine the problem: Does exercise session duration, initial cardiovascular fitness, and age group effect changes in functional physical fitness in sedentary women training for strength, flexibility and aerobic fitness? Twenty-three, sedentary women aged between 19 and 54 years who were employed at a major metropolitan hospital undertook six weeks of moderate intensity physical activity in one of two training groups. Participants were randomly allocated to either short duration (3 x 10 minute), or long duration (30 minute), exercise groups. The 3 x 10 minute group (n=13), participated in three, 10 minute sessions per day separated by at least 2 hours, 3 days per week. The 30 minute group (n=10), participated in three 30 minute sessions per week. The total amount of work was similar, with an average of 129 and 148 kcal training day for the 3 x 10 minute and 30 minute groups, respectively. The training program incorporated three walking and stair climbing courses for aerobic conditioning, a series of eleven static stretches for joint flexibility, and isotonic and isometric strength exercises for lower and upper body muscular strength. Measures of functional strength, functional flexibility and cardiovascular fitness were assessed prior to training, and immediately following the six week exercise program. A two way analysis of variance (Group x Time) was used to examine the effect of training and group on the dependent variables. The level of significance, 0.05 was adopted for all statistical tests. Mean hand grip strength showed for both groups no significant change over time for the 3 x 10 minute group (30.7kg to 31.7kg) and 30 minute group (30.2kg to 32.4kg). Leg strength showed a trend for improvement (p=0.098) in both the 3 x 10 minute and 30 minute training groups representing a 15% and 18% improvement, respectively. Combined right and left neck rotation significantly improved in the 3 x 10 minute group (82.8° to 92.0°) and 30 minute group (82.5° to 91.5°). Wrist flexion and extension improved significantly in 3 out of the 4 measurements. Left wrist flexion improved significantly by an average of 7.0% for the 3 x 10 minute and 4.9% for the 30 minute group. Right and left wrist extension improved significantly in the 3 x 10 minute and 30 minute training groups (5.9% and 6.8%, respectively). Hip and spine flexibility improved 3.4cm (35.2cm to 38.6cm) in the 3 x 10 minute group, and 6.6cm (37.4cm to 44.0cm) in the 30 minute group. There was a significant improvement in cardiovascular fitness for both groups representing a 22% improvement in the 3 x 10 minute group (27.2 to 33.2 ml kg min), and a 25% improvement in the 30 minute group (27.5 to 34.4 ml -kg min). No significant difference was shown in the degree of improvement in cardiovascular fitness over six weeks of training for subjects of either low or moderate initial aerobic fitness. Grip strength showed no significant changes over time for either the young-aged (19-35 years) or middle-aged (36-54 years) groups. Leg strength showed a trend for improvement (p=0.093) in the young-aged group (63.5kg to 71.9kg) and middle-aged group (69.3kg to 85.8kg). Neck rotation flexibility improved a similar amount in both the young and middle aged groups representing an improvement of 9.9° and 8.0° respectively. There was significant improvement in two of the four measures of wrist flexibility. Hip and spine flexibility was significantly greater in the young-aged group compared to the middle-aged group (38.5cm and 30.7cm, respectively). There was a significant improvement in hip and spine flexibility over the six week training program representing an increase in reach of 6.5cm for the young age group and 4.9cm for the older group. The middle-aged subjects had significantly lower cardiovascular fitness than their younger peers, scoring 22.8 and 30.7 ml -kg min, respectively. Cardiovascular fitness improved a similar amount in both age groups representing a significant improvement of 23.8% and 28.1% for the younger-aged and middle-aged subjects, respectively. The findings of this study suggest that short bouts of exercise may be equally as effective as longer bouts of exercise for improving the flexibility and cardiovascular components of functional physical fitness in sedentary young and middle aged women. Additionally short bouts of exercise may be more attractive than longer bouts of exercise for the beginning exerciser as they may more easily fit into the busy lifestyle encountered by many people in today's society. Sedentary young and middle-aged women should benefit from static flexibility exercises designed to improve and/or maintain functional flexibility and thus maintain mobility and reduce the incidence of muscular injury. Regular, brisk walking, incorporating some stair climbing, is likely to be beneficial in improving cardiovascular health and perhaps also in improving leg strength, thereby helping to improve and maintain functional physical fitness for both young and middle-aged sedentary women.

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Worker productivity is a combination of time off work (absenteeism) due to an illness and time at work but with reduced levels of productivity while at work (also known as presenteeism). Both can be gathered with a focus on application as a cost indicator and/or as an outcome state for intervention studies. We review the OMERACT worker productivity groups’ progress in evaluating measures of worker productivity for use in arthritis using the OMERACT filter. Attendees at OMERACT 9 strongly endorsed the importance of work as an outcome in arthritis. Consensus was reached (94% endorsement) for fielding a broader array of indicators of absenteeism. Twenty-one measures of at-work productivity loss, ranging from single item indicators to multidimensional scales, were reviewed for measurement properties. No set of at-work productivity measures was endorsed because of variability in the concepts captured, and the need for a better framework for the measurement of worker productivity that also incorporates contextual issues such as job demands and other paid and unpaid life responsibilities. Progress has been made in this area, revealing an ambivalent set of results that directed us back to the need to further define and then contextualize the measurement of worker productivity.