990 resultados para United States--History--Civil War, 1861-1865--Maps.


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“Book Notes with Four Authors from Finns in the United States: A History of Settlement, Dissent, and Integration” This panel presentation will highlight chapters in the newly released book, Finns in the United States, published by Michigan State University Press. Authors will discuss their contribution to the book, and highlight key aspects of their work. Finns in the United States has been touted as a fresh and up-to-date analysis of Finnish Americans, an insightful volume that lays the groundwork for exploring this unique culture through a historical context, followed by an overview of the overall composition and settlement patterns of these newcomers.

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The time period covered by this bibliography is circa 1960 to 1974, an unusual "decade," to be sure. But because the Civil Rights movements and Watergate framed this era, it became impossible to compile a bibliography on the 1960s without entering the 1970s. The Vietnam War did not end until 1975, which would seem a logical place to end the decade. However, Nixon's resignation sparked more public interest and energy than did the anti-climax of the end of the war. Thus, the time period covered. Although there are some key books on the Civil Rights Movement, which started in the late 1950s, that movement has been adequately covered in other resources.

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While clinical studies have shown a negative relationship between obesity and mental health in women, population studies have not shown a consistent association. However, many of these studies can be criticized regarding fatness level criteria, lack of control variables, and validity of the psychological variables.^ The purpose of this research was to elucidate the relationship between fatness level and mental health in United States women using data from the First National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES I), which was conducted on a national probability sample from 1971 to 1974. Mental health was measured by the General Well-Being Schedule (GWB), and fatness level was determined by the sum of the triceps and subscapular skinfolds. Women were categorized as lean (15th percentile or less), normal (16th to 84th percentiles), or obese (85th percentile or greater).^ A conceptual framework was developed which identified the variables of age, race, marital status, socioeconomic status (education), employment status, number of births, physical health, weight history, and perception of body image as important to the fatness level-GWB relationship. Multiple regression analyses were performed separately for whites and blacks with GWB as the response variable, and fatness level, age, education, employment status, number of births, marital status, and health perception as predictor variables. In addition, 2- and 3-way interaction terms for leanness, obesity and age were included as predictor variables. Variables related to weight history and perception of body image were not collected in NHANES I, and thus were not included in this study.^ The results indicated that obesity was a statistically significant predictor of lower GWB in white women even when the other predictor variables were controlled. The full regression model identified the young, more educated, obese female as a subgroup with lower GWB, especially in blacks. These findings were not consistent with the previous non-clinical studies which found that obesity was associated with better mental health. The social stigma of being obese and the preoccupation of women with being lean may have contributed to the lower GWB in these women. ^

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There is an ongoing mission in Afghanistan; a mission driven by external political forces. At its core this mission hopes to establish peace, to protect the populace, and to install democracy. Each of these goals has remained just that, a goal, for the past eight years as the American and international mission in Afghanistan has enjoyed varied levels of commitment. Currently, the stagnant progress in Afghanistan has led the international community to become increasingly concerned about the viability of a future Afghan state. Most of these questions take root in the question over whether or not an Afghan state can function without the auspices of international terrorism. Inevitably, the normative question of what exactly that government should be arises from this base concern. In formulating a response to this question, the consensus of western society has been to install representative democracy. This answer has been a recurring theme in the post Cold War era as states such as Bosnia and Somalia bear witness to the ill effects of external democratic imposition. I hypothesize that the current mold of externally driven state-building is unlikely to result in what western actors seek it to establish: representative democracy. By primarily examining the current situation in Afghanistan, I claim that external installation of representative democracy is modally flawed in that its process mandates choice. Representative democracy by definition constitutes a government reflective of its people, or electorate. Thus, freedom of choice is necessary for a functional representative democracy. From this, one can deduce that because an essential function of democracy is choice, its implementation lies with the presence of choice. State-building is an imposition that eliminates that necessary ingredient. The two stand as polar opposites that cannot effectively collaborate. Security, governing capacity, and development have all been targeted as measurements of success in Afghanistan. The three factors are generally seen as mutually constitutive; so improved security is seen as improving governing capacity. Thus, the recent resurgence of the Taliban in Afghanistan and a deteriorating security environment moving forward has demonstrated the inability of the Afghan government to govern. The primary reason for the Afghan government’s deficiencies is its lack of legitimacy among its constituency. Even the use of the term ‘constituency’ must be qualified because the Afghan government has often oscillated between serving the people within its territorial borders and the international community. The existence of the Afghan state is so dependent on foreign aid and intervention that it has lost policy-making and enforcing power. This is evident by the inability of Afghanistan to engage in basic sovereign state activities as maintaining a national budget, conducting elections, providing for its own national security, and deterring criminality. The Afghan state is nothing more than a shell of a government, and indicative of the failings that external state-building has with establishing democracy.

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In spite of the movement to turn political science into a real science, various mathematical methods that are now the staples of physics, biology, and even economics are thoroughly uncommon in political science, especially the study of civil war. This study seeks to apply such methods - specifically, ordinary differential equations (ODEs) - to model civil war based on what one might dub the capabilities school of thought, which roughly states that civil wars end only when one side’s ability to make war falls far enough to make peace truly attractive. I construct several different ODE-based models and then test them all to see which best predicts the instantaneous capabilities of both sides of the Sri Lankan civil war in the period from 1990 to 1994 given parameters and initial conditions. The model that the tests declare most accurate gives very accurate predictions of state military capabilities and reasonable short term predictions of cumulative deaths. Analysis of the model reveals the scale of the importance of rebel finances to the sustainability of insurgency, most notably that the number of troops required to put down the Tamil Tigers is reduced by nearly a full order of magnitude when Tiger foreign funding is stopped. The study thus demonstrates that accurate foresight may come of relatively simple dynamical models, and implies the great potential of advanced and currently unconventional non-statistical mathematical methods in political science.

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Background and aim. Hepatitis B virus (HBV) and hepatitis C virus (HCV) co-infection is associated with increased risk of cirrhosis, decompensation, hepatocellular carcinoma, and death. Yet, there is sparse epidemiologic data on co-infection in the United States. Therefore, the aim of this study was to determine the prevalence and determinants of HBV co-infection in a large United States population of HCV patients. ^ Methods. The National Veterans Affairs HCV Clinical Case Registry was used to identify patients tested for HCV during 1997–2005. HCV exposure was defined as two positive HCV tests (antibody, RNA or genotype) or one positive test combined with an ICD-9 code for HCV. HCV infection was defined as only a positive HCV RNA or genotype. HBV exposure was defined as a positive test for hepatitis B core antibodies, hepatitis B surface antigen, HBV DNA, hepatitis Be antigen, or hepatitis Be antibody. HBV infection was defined as only a positive test for hepatitis B surface antigen, HBV DNA, or hepatitis Be antigen within one year before or after the HCV index date. The prevalence of exposure to HBV in patients with HCV exposure and the prevalence of HBV infection in patients with HCV infection were determined. Multivariable logistic regression was used to identify demographic and clinical determinants of co-infection. ^ Results. Among 168,239 patients with HCV exposure, 58,415 patients had HBV exposure for a prevalence of 34.7% (95% CI 34.5–35.0). Among 102,971 patients with HCV infection, 1,431 patients had HBV co-infection for a prevalence of 1.4% (95% CI 1.3–1.5). The independent determinants for an increased risk of HBV co-infection were male sex, positive HIV status, a history of hemophilia, sickle cell anemia or thalassemia, history of blood transfusion, cocaine and other drug use. Age >50 years and Hispanic ethnicity were associated with a decreased risk of HBV co-infection. ^ Conclusions. This is the largest cohort study in the United States on the prevalence of HBV co-infection. Among veterans with HCV, exposure to HBV is common (∼35%), but HBV co-infection is relatively low (1.4%). There is an increased risk of co-infection with younger age, male sex, HIV, and drug use, with decreased risk in Hispanics.^

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List of Physicians and Surgeons arranged by states and provinces, giving post office address with population and location, the School practiced, date and college of graduation, all the existing and extinct medical colleges in the United States and Canada, with locations, officers, number of professors, lecturers, demonstrators, etc., the various medical societies, state prisons, hospitals, sanitariums, dispensaries, asylums and other medical institutions, boards of health, boards of medical examiners, a synopsis of the laws of registration and other laws relating to the profession, medical journals with names of editors, frequency of publication and subscription rates, medical libraries, mineral springs, official list of officers of the medical departments of the U.S. Army, Navy and Marine Hospital Service, roster of examining surgeons of the U.S. Pension Department, a descriptive sketch of each state, territory and province, embodying such matters as location, boundary, extent in miles and acres, latitude and longitude, statistics relating to climate, temperature, rate of mortality, number of deaths from consumption, etc. full particulars of all national associations and societies relating to medicine and surgery, and an INDEX TO THE PHYSICIANS OF THE UNITED STATES. Arranged alphabetically, with the number of the page on which the name appears.

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Gaines’ legal team, led by Houston, had faith in the justice system of the United States and anticipated getting a fair trial at the federal level. So far, all decisions had occurred in Missouri, a state with a segregated system.The fact that Gaines v Canada had reached the Supreme Court was promising indeed. It was rare that any case involving African-Americans would be considered by the highest court in the land. President Franklin D. Roosevelt had been appointing Justices that were more willing to consider cases concerned with civil rights. On November 9, 1938, the Supreme Court of the United States heard arguments in the Gaines v Canada case. The defense was unmoved by the rude treatment and made their presentation with professionalism and aplomb. Houston’s argument remained steadfast; not only was the state of Missouri’s statute concerning out-of-state tuition for blacks in violation of the 14th Amendment, but the very idea of segregation itself violated the Constitution. William Hogsett, the attorney for the University of Missouri, countered that the school was merely following state laws. The MU legal team was flustered as questions from the bench forced them to correct overstatements regarding Missouri’s “generosity to Negro students”. With crossed fingers and high hopes, the Gaines legal team rested their case and awaited the verdict. Meanwhile, Lloyd Gaines was still in Michigan. Lloyd held a W.P.A. job as a Civil Service Clerk and was in constant contact with his family and attorneys. His mood in his correspondence was hopeful and positive.

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Soil dust is a major constituent of airborne particles in the global atmosphere. Dust plumes frequently cover huge areas of the earth; they are one of the most prominent and commonly visible features in satellite imagery. Dust is believed to play a role in many biogeochemical processes, but the importance of dust in these processes is not well understood because of the dearth of information about the global distribution of dust and its physical, chemical, and mineralogical properties. This paper describes some features of the large-scale distribution of dust and identifies some of the geological characteristics of important source areas. The transport of dust from North Africa is presented as an example of possible long-range dust effects, and the impact of African dust on environmental processes in the western North Atlantic and the southeastern United States is assessed. Dust transported over long distances usually has a mass median diameter <10 μm. Small wind-borne soil particles show signs of extensive weathering; consequently, the physical and chemical properties of the particles will greatly depend on the weathering history in the source region and on the subsequent modifications that occur during transit in the atmosphere (typically a period of a week or more). To fully understand the role of dust in the environment and in human health, mineralogists will have to work closely with scientists in other disciplines to characterize the properties of mineral particles as an ensemble and as individual particles especially with regard to surface characteristics.

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More than a hundred public air-raid shelters were constructed beneath Alicante during the Spanish Civil war. Their architectural uniqueness and humanitarian purpose render these shelters a tangible testament to our recent history. The Alicante Municipal Archives hold reports written by technicians who inspected the shelters in the 1940s, which were subsequently included in the Special Plan for public shelters in 1953. Half a century later, in 2003, information on the air-raid shelters was included in another Special Plan aimed at protecting Alicante’s archaeological heritage. Thanks to the work of the Municipal Heritage Conservation unit (COPHIAM) and the Special Protection Plan for Urban Archaeology (PEPA), the exact or approximate locations were identified for almost 90% of the shelters known to have existed. This paper describes interventions in two of these architectural spaces using advanced museology techniques. The first concerns air-raid shelter R46, located in the Plaza del Dr. Balmis in the city centre. This was built in 1938, and is rectangular with two entrances. The second is air-raid shelter R31, located in the Plaza Séneca.

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v.16:no.6(1967)