GB Non-native Species Information Portal: documenting the arrival of non-native species in Britain

Information on non-native species (NNS) is often scattered among a multitude of sources, such as regional and national databases, peer-reviewed and grey literature, unpublished research projects, institutional datasets and with taxonomic experts. Here we report on the development of a database designed for the collation of information in Britain. The project involved working with volunteer experts to populate a database of NNS (hereafter called “the species register”). Each species occupies a row within the database with information on aspects of the species’ biology such as environment (marine, freshwater, terrestrial etc.), functional type (predator, parasite etc.), habitats occupied in the invaded range (using EUNIS classification), invasion pathways, establishment status in Britain and impacts. The information is delivered through the Great Britain Non-Native Species Information Portal hosted by the Non-Native Species Secretariat. By the end of 2011 there were 1958 established NNS in Britain. There has been a dramatic increase over time in the rate of NNS arriving in Britain and those becoming established. The majority of established NNS are higher plants (1,376 species). Insects are the next most numerous group (344 species) followed by non-insect invertebrates (158 species), vertebrates (50 species), algae (24 species) and lower plants (6 species). Inventories of NNS are seen as an essential tool in the management of biological invasions. The use of such lists is diverse and far-reaching. However, the increasing number of new arrivals highlights both the dynamic nature of invasions and the importance of updating NNS inventories.

Motion Management for Radical Radiotherapy in Non-small Cell Lung Cancer

Intrafraction tumour motion is an issue that is of increased interest in the era of image-guided radiotherapy. It is particularly relevant for non-small cell lung cancer, for which a number of recent developments are in use to aid with motion management in the delivery of radical radiotherapy. The ability to deliver hypofractionated ablative doses, such as in stereotactic radiotherapy, has been aided by improvements in the ability to analyse tumour motion and amend treatment delivery. In addition, accounting for tumour motion can enable dose escalation to occur by reducing the normal tissue being irradiated by virtue of a reduction in target volumes. Motion management for lung tumours incorporates five key components: imaging, breath-hold techniques, abdominal compression, respiratory tracking and respiratory gating. These will be described, together with the relevant benefits and associated complexities. Many studies have described improved dosimetric coverage and reduced normal tissue complication probability rates when using motion management techniques. Despite the widespread uptake of many of these techniques, there is a paucity of literature reporting improved outcome in overall survival and local control for patients whenever motion management techniques are used. This overview will review the extent of lung tumour motion, ways in which motion is detected and summarise the key methods used in motion management.

Defining target volumes for stereotactic ablative radiotherapy of early-stage lung tumours: a comparison of three-dimensional 18F-fluorodeoxyglucose positron emission tomography and four-dimensional computed tomography.:PETCT versus 4DCT for SABR in Early Stage NSCLC

AIMS: High local control rates are achieved in stage I lung cancer using
stereotactic ablative radiotherapy. Target delineation is commonly based on
four-dimensional computed tomography (CT) scans. Target volumes defined by
positron emission tomography/computed tomography (PET/CT) are compared with those defined by four-dimensional CT and conventional ('three-dimensional')
(18)F-fluorodeoxyglucose ((18)F-FDG) PET/CT.

MATERIALS AND METHODS: For 16 stage I non-small cell lung cancer tumours, six
approaches for deriving PET target volumes were evaluated: manual contouring,
standardised uptake value (SUV) absolute threshold of 2.5, 35% of maximum SUV
(35%SUV(MAX)), 41% of SUV(MAX) (41%SUV(MAX)) and two different source to
background ratio techniques (SBR-1 and SBR-2). PET-derived target volumes were compared with the internal target volume (ITV) from the modified maximum
intensity projection (MIP(MOD) ITV). Volumetric and positional correlation was
assessed using the Dice similarity coefficient (DSC).

RESULTS: PET-based target volumes did not correspond to four-dimensional CT-based target volumes. The mean DSC relative to MIP(MOD) ITV were: PET manual = 0.64, SUV2.5 = 0.64, 35%SUV(MAX) = 0.63, 41%SUV(MAX) = 0.57. SBR-1 = 0.52, SBR-2 =0.49. PET-based target volumes were smaller than corresponding MIP ITVs.

CONCLUSIONS: Conventional three-dimensional (18)F-FDG PET-derived target volumes for lung stereotactic ablative radiotherapy did not correspond well with those derived from four-dimensional CT, including those in routine clinical use
(MIP(MOD) ITV). Caution is required in using three-dimensional PET for motion
encompassing target volume delineation.

Constitutional Questions

Constitutional Questions
Professor John Morison MRIA School of Law, Queen’s University Belfast
How should we live together? Is there any ethical question more fundamental than this?
Is a constitution only about who does what in government or is it about what is to be done? Does a constitution provide the ground rules for deciding this or is it part of the answer itself? Is it the repository of fundamental values about how to live? What is the good life anyway? Is it about the preservation of life and liberty, and the pursuit of happiness? Or something more? What about preserving (or radically reordering) the distribution of property? Or ensuring that everyone has the same chances? Is it the job of the constitution to simply promise dignity, equality and freedom, or to deliver these values?
If the constitution is the place where the state undertakes “to promote the welfare of the whole people”, what does this actually mean in practical terms? And who pays for it? Should a constitution give us an entitlement to at least a basic minimum by way of a lifestyle? Or is it the job only of the political process to decide issues about the allocation of resources? What do we do if we feel that we cannot trust our politicians? Are there basic rules that should govern the operation of politics and are there fundamental values that should not be overridden? Are these “sacred and undeniable”? Or to be interpreted in line with modern conditions and within a “margin of appreciation”? Who decides on this in individual cases?
Who is entitled to any of this, and on what basis? Is everyone equal? Is the constitution about making it clear that no-one is better than you, and that in turn, you are better than no-one? Is a constitution about ensuring that you will always be an end in yourself and never simply a means to anyone else’s end? Or does it simply reinforce the existing distribution of power and wealth?
Are citizens to be given more than those who are not citizens? Is more to be expected from them, and what might that be? Can the constitution tell us how we should treat those from outside who now live with us?
What is the relationship between a constitution and a nation? Who is in the nation anyway? Should we talk about “we the people” or “we the peoples”? Should a constitution confirm a nationality or facilitate diversity? Is the constitution the place to declare aspirations for a national territory? Or to confirm support for the idea of consent? What about all our neighbours – on the island of Ireland and in Great Britain? Or in Europe? And beyond?
What is the relationship between a constitution and democracy? Is a constitution simply the rules by which the powerful govern the powerless? In what sense does a constitution belong to everyone, across past, present and future generations? Is it the place where we state common values? Are there any? Do they change across time? Should the people be asked about changes they may want? How often should this be done? Should the constitution address the past and its problems? How might this be done? What do we owe future generations?
Finally, if we can agree that the constitution is about respecting human rights, striving for social justice and building a fair and democratic Ireland – North and South – how do we make it happen in practice?

Bird diversity and environmental gradients in Britain:a test of the species-energy hypothesis

1. We tested the species diversity-energy hypothesis using the British bird fauna. This predicts that temperature patterns should match diversity patterns. We also tested the hypothesis that the mechanism operates directly through effects of temperature on thermoregulatory loads; this further predicts that seasonal changes in temperature cause matching changes in patterns of diversity, and that species' body mass is influential.

2. We defined four assemblages using migration status (residents or visitors) and season (summer or winter distribution). Records of species' presence/absence in a total of 2362, 10 x 10-km, quadrats covering most of Britain were used, together with a wide selection of habitat, topographic and seasonal climatic data.

3. We fitted a logistic regression model to each species' distribution using the environmental data. We then combined these individual species models mathematically to form a diversity model. Analysis of this composite model revealed that summer temperature was the factor most strongly associated with diversity.

4. Although the species-energy hypothesis was supported, the direct mechanism, predicting an important role for body mass and matching seasonal patterns of change between diversity and temperature, was not supported.

5. However, summer temperature is the best overall explanation for bird diversity patterns in Britain. It is a better predictor of winter diversity than winter temperature. Winter diversity is predicted more precisely from environmental factors than summer diversity.

6. Climate change is likely to influence the diversity of different areas to different extents; for resident species, low diversity areas may respond more strongly as climate change progresses. For winter visitors, higher diversity areas may respond more strongly, while summer visitors are approximately neutral.

HRM and the employment of older workers: Germany and Britain compared

This study examines Human Resource Management (HRM) policies and practices towards older workers in Britain and Germany. While it is widely suggested that older workers have to be better integrated into the labour market, youth-centric HRM is still prevalent. However, HRM is shaped by multiple and contradictory pressures from the international and national institutional environments. We test this dynamic by analysing two national surveys, the German firm panel (IAB)1 and the British Workplace and Employment Relations Survey (WERS).2 Our findings suggest that the institutional environment shapes HR policies and practices distinctively in both countries. We find that age discrimination at the workplace is more prevalent in Germany than in Britain, which can be explained by divergent institutional patterns. As a result, we argue that although both countries will have to continue fostering an age-neutral HR approach, this has to take country-specific institutional peculiarities into account.

The Marquess of Londonderry: Aristocracy, Power and Politics in Britain and Ireland

The decline and fall of the British aristocracy looked headlong and irreversible in the twentieth century yet many grandees tried to preserve their power, wealth and influence by every means - and with some success. There is no better example than the Seventh Marquess of Londonderry whose life from 1878 to 1949 spanned and mirrored the period. The Londonderrys had enjoyed immense wealth in land and minerals in Britain and Ireland for centuries, played leading roles in Parliament and the state, and in an earlier time the Seventh Marquess would have continued in the family tradition of patrician prominence. Drawing upon original state and family papers, N.C. Fleming places the Londonderrys in the context of the history and the political theory of aristocracy and shows the constant struggle - not without success - against marginalisation. The theme runs through Londonderry's career as Conservative MP, on the Irish Viceroy's Council, as a junior minister in Lloyd Geroge's coalition, at the Air Ministry with Trenchard - the 'father of the RAF' - and in the National Government. Perhaps an element of desperation entered in his private business ventures and with contacts with the far Right - all in sharp contrast to past family achievement.

The Falkland Islands War of 1982: a legal, diplomatic and strategic evaluation

The Falkland Islands War of 1982 was fought over competing claims to sovereignty over a group of islands off the east coast of South America. The dispute was between Argentina and the United Kingdom. Argentina claims the islands under rights to Spanish succession, the fact that they lie off the Argentine coast line and that in 1833 Great Britain took the islands illegally and by force. The United Kingdom claims the islands primarily through prescription--the fact that they have governed the islands in a peaceful, continuous and public manner since 1833. The British also hold that the population living on the islands, roughly eighteen hundred British descendants, should be able to decide their own future. The United Kingdom also lays claim to the islands through rights of discovery and settlement, although this claim has always been challenged by Spain who until 1811 governed the islands. Both claims have legal support, and the final decision if there will ever be one is difficult to predict. Sadly today the ultimate test of sovereignty does not come through international law but remains in the idea that "He is sovereign who can defend his sovereignty." The years preceding the Argentine invasion of 1982 witnessed many diplomatic exchanges between The United Kingdom and Argentina over the future of the islands. During this time the British sent signals to Argentina that ii implied a decline in British resolve to hold the islands and demonstrated that military action did more to further the talks along than did actual negotiations. The Argentine military junta read these signals and decided that they could take the islands in a quick military invasion and that the United Kingdom would consider the act as a fait accompli and would not protest the invasion. The British in response to this claimed that they never signaled to Argentina that a military solution was acceptable to them and launched a Royal Navy task force to liberate the islands. Both governments responded to an international crisis with means that were designed both to resolve the international crisis and increase the domestic popularity of the government. British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher was facing an all-time low in popularity for post-War Prime Ministers while Argentine President General Galtieri needed to gain mass popular support so he could remain a viable President after he was scheduled to lose command of the army and a seat on the military junta that ran the country. The military war for the Falklands is indicative of the nature of modern warfare between Third World countries. It shows that the gap in military capabilities between Third and First World countries is narrowing significantly. Modern warfare between a First and Third World country is no longer a 'walk over' for the First World country.

The law of the sea: the United States, Canada and the deep seabed

The Falkland Islands War of 1982 was fought over competing claims to sovereignty over a group of islands off the east coast of South America. The dispute was between Argentina and the United Kingdom. Argentina claims the islands under rights to Spanish succession, the fact that they lie off the Argentine coast line and that in 1833 Great Britain took the islands illegally and by force. The United Kingdom claims the islands primarily through prescription--the fact that they have governed the islands in a peaceful, continuous and public manner since 1833. The British also hold that the population living on the islands, roughly eighteen hundred British descendants, should be able to decide their own future. The United Kingdom also lays claim to the islands through rights of discovery and settlement, although this claim has always been challenged by Spain who until 1811 governed the islands. Both claims have legal support, and the final decision if there will ever be one is difficult to predict. Sadly today the ultimate test of sovereignty does not come through international law but remains in the idea that "He is sovereign who can defend his sovereignty." The years preceding the Argentine invasion of 1982 witnessed many diplomatic exchanges between The United Kingdom and Argentina over the future of the islands. During this time the British sent signals to Argentina that ii implied a decline in British resolve to hold the islands and demonstrated that military action did more to further the talks along than did actual negotiations. The Argentine military junta read these signals and decided that they could take the islands in a quick military invasion and that the United Kingdom would consider the act as a fait accompli and would not protest the invasion. The British in response to this claimed that they never signaled to Argentina that a military solution was acceptable to them and launched a Royal Navy task force to liberate the islands. Both governments responded to an international crisis with means that were designed both to resolve the international crisis and increase the domestic popularity of the government. British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher was facing an all-time low in popularity for post-War Prime Ministers while Argentine President General Galtieri needed to gain mass popular support so he could remain a viable President after he was scheduled to lose command of the army and a seat on the military junta that ran the country. The military war for the Falklands is indicative of the nature of modern warfare between Third World countries. It shows that the gap in military capabilities between Third and First World countries is narrowing significantly. Modern warfare between a First and Third World country is no longer a 'walk over' for the First World country.

Anne McPherson family fonds, 1852-2011 [non-inclusive]

Frank C. (Case) McCordick (1873-1946) was the son of William Henry (1849-1930) and Emily D. Howell (1851-1927) McCordick. William H. McCordick was in the coal business. The McCordick family included Frank Case, Mabel Gertrude, Ethel Howell and Arthur Stanley. Frank C. McCordick was educated in St. Catharines, and worked with his father in the coal business and eventually opened up a leather tanning operation. McCordick was active in the Lincoln Regiment and in 1906 was promoted to captain and in command of Company A, 19th Regiment. He was promoted to major and at the outbreak of war he was sent overseas as a commander of the 35th Battalion of the Canadian Expeditionary Forces (CEF). Upon arrival in France he was made officer commanding the 15th Battalion, King’s Own Yorkshire Light Infantry (KOYLI). After the war and his return to Canada he continued to play an active role in the local military units in the area as well as in Hamilton. After his retirement from the military in 1927 McCordick served as alderman and then mayor of St. Catharines from 1930 to 1931. He was a member of a large number of civic clubs, including St. Catharines Chamber of Commerce, Y.M.C.A., Lion’s Club, St. Catharines Golf Club, Detroit Boat Club, the St Catharines Club, as well as a member of several Masonic lodges. He continued to operate McCordick Tannery and other local investments. In 1903 Frank C. McCordick married May Beatrice Simson, daughter of Thomas E. Simson of Thorold. They had three children, E. (Edward) Frank McCordick, Bruce McCordick and (Margaret) Doris McCordick (m. Hubert Grigaut, d. 1977). The McCordick family resided at 82 Yates Street, near Adams Street. May Simson McCordick (b. 1873) was the daughter of Thomas Edward (1836-1908) and Julia Headlam (1844-1887) Simson of Thorold. Her siblings included: Edward, Frances, John, Augusta, Georgia and Gertrude. E. (Edward) Frank McCordick (1904-1980) was born in St. Catharines, Ont., attended Lake Lodge School in Grimsby, Ridley College in St. Catharines, Beechmont Preparatory School in England, Upper Canada College in Toronto and graduated from Royal Military College in Kingston, Ont. in 1925. Upon graduation he was made a lieutenant in the 10th (St. Catharines) Field Battery. In 1929 he married Helen Stanley Smith, daughter of Stanley George and Mary Walker Smith of St. Catharines. Col. McCordick, now promoted to Major, played an active role in the 10th (St. Catharines) Field Battery, being officer commanding the battery. In late 1939 McCordick headed to England for artillery tactical training and on December 6, 1939 the battery began the long trek overseas. McCordick saw action in Italy and in Holland. Upon his return to Canada at the end of the war he was the Liberal candidate in the federal election for Lincoln County. He remained active in the local military serving as honorary lieutenant-colonel of the 56th Field Regiment (ARCA) and in 1976 as the honorary colonel of the regiment. Col. McCordick held the Efficiency Decoration, the Order of the British Empire, granted in 1945 and was made an officer in the Order of St. John in 1978. He continued to serve his community in various capacities, including the Unemployment Insurance Canada Board, Royal Trust Company and the St. John Ambulance Society. He remained an active member of the alumni of Royal Military College, editing and compiling a newsletter and organizing reunion weekends. He kept in close contact with many of his classmates. Helen Stanley Smith McCordick lived in St. Catharines, Ont., attended Robertson School, and graduated from the University of Toronto in 1926 with a Bachelor of Arts degree in Modern Languages. During the war years (1939-1945) Helen was active in the Transport division of the local branch of the Canadian Red Cross and the Women’s Auxiliary of the 10th Field Battery. In 1932 E. Frank and Helen McCordick welcomed their only child, (Catharine) Anne McCordick. Helen continued to play an active role in her community until her passing in 1997. Stanley George Smith (1865-1960) was born in St. Catharines, Ont., the only child of William Smith (d. June 16, 1876) a native of Edinburgh, Scotland and his wife Hannah Louisa Maria Bulkeley a native of Fairfield, Connecticut. Stanley George Smith married Mary Walker of Guelph, Ont.(d. 1956) Mary was the daughter of Hugh and Elizabeth (d. 1924) Walker. Her siblings included Margaret, Agnes, Jessie, Isabella, Lorne, Ada, Alice, Eva, Alexander and George. Hugh Walker was a prominent fruit and vegetable merchant in Guelph. On 1904 their only child, Helen Stanley Smith was born. He was a post office clerk, and the treasurer for the James D. Tait Co. Ltd., a clothing and dry goods retailer in St. Catharines. The family lived at 39 Church Street in St. Catharines, Ont.

Commemorative stamps, British, American and Canadian, 1974-1977, 1982-1984, 1996.

The Guernsey post office stamps consist of 2 exhibition series souvenir sheets commemorating Major-General Sir Issac Brock, 1769-1812. The stamp was issued in 1996 to celebrate Guernsey’s attendance at Canada’s international stamp exhibition CAPEX 96. The stamps issued by the United States postal service consist of 1 sheet of stamps commemorating the 50th anniversary of the Peace Bridge, 1927-1977. The stamps issued by Canada Post include 5 commemorative day-of-issue envelopes with stamps featuring William Hamilton Merritt and the Welland Canal. This stamp was issued in 1974 to celebrate the 150th anniversary of the canal. There is also a set of 4 inscription corner blocks of stamps. These items are contained in an envelope addressed to Mr. J.N. Jackson, St. Catharines, ON. There is also a separate sheet of the same stamp. Also issued by Canada Post are 2 full sheets of stamps, one commemorating the 50th anniversary of the Peace Bridge (1927-1977), and one commemorating 25 years of the St. Lawrence Seaway (1959-1984). Lastly, there are 2 full sheets of stamps commemorating the 100th anniversary of the Royal Henley Regatta, issued in 1982.

B.N. Peach letter, 1918.

Ben N. Peach (1842-1926) was a well-known geologist whose work focused on the geological structure of Scotland, and in particular the Northwest Scottish Highlands and Southern Uplands. He formed a close working relationship with John Horne and the two colloborated on many works, most notably two memoirs of the Geological Survey of Great Britain, The Silurian Rocks of Britain (1899) and The Geological Structure of the North-West Highlands of Scotland (1907).