979 resultados para Islamic countries--Intellectual life--Early works to 1800


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Early menopause has been constructed by discourses of biological determinism as an untimely, but natural, failure of the female body. Medical discourses in particular have interpreted early menopause as a congenital irregularity and a rare anomaly of menopause at midlife. In this thesis I challenge the notion that early menopause is an innate imperfection related only to women’s age. I propose that early menopause is dependent upon the cultural interpretations of individual women and is constituted through the mercurial and multiple discourses of women who have this embodied experience. Moreover, I reveal that early menopause is a contemporary condition and that its location in history is inextricably bound to discourses of risk, naturalism and the self. Further I make the assumption that having an early menopause both affects and is an effect of women’s fertility, sexuality and subjectivity. I have drawn upon a broad range of sources to provide a sociological analysis of early menopause. Literature on early menopause is dominated by positivist discourses, yet many alternate discourses negotiate these influential constructions. I suggest here that the perception of early menopause as a natural fault is merely a construction by medical discourses and does not incorporate the dynamic discourses of early-menopausal women. Moreover, the restriction of early menopause to a genetic female failure excludes the majority of women who have an early menopause through iatrogenisis. This omission occurs through the failure of positivist discourses to accommodate diversity in discourses. Recent sociological and feminist studies have vindicated menopausal women. They have reconstructed menopause through notions of embodiment and have removed the veil of negativity used by the medical sciences to contain menopausal women (Komesaroff, Rothfield and Daly 1997). The visibility of menopausal women, however, remains connected to age. Menopause has been created as a predictable consequence of aging and as such has come to be synonymous with middle age. Nowadays, even men are said to experience menopause at midlife (Carruthers 1996). But early menopause is constituted within the discourses of women who have this experience. Medico-scientific discourses, based upon theories of genetic inevitability, disregard this perspective. Consequently early menopause is subsumed by naturalistic discourses that relate menopause to midlife. Such restraint reflects the unease created by menopause that does not coincide with prescribed life stages. Women's experiences of their changing bodies are largely unheard. Thus, women who have an early menopause are faced with a chasm of ‘cultural non-recognition’ (Fraser 1997). Conjointly with this discursive repression early-menopausal women face social imbalances that are transacted as both cause and consequence of early menopause. In particular the contemporary creation of early menopause is bound to the social and historical location of women as a group. Women are exploited by the institution of medicine, ‘exposure to environmental toxicity’ (Fraser 1997: 11) and commercialization as causes of early menopause. Yet the corporeal effects of practices of risk avoidance (Beck 1993), social practices (Shilling 1993) and Western consumerism (Lupton 1994) fail to be recognized. I address these problematics through a poststructural and feminist critique that assumes moments of commonality among women, while at the same time recognizes shifting and multiple differences (Nicholson 1999). I suggest here that early menopause falls into cultural misrecognition in Fraser's (1997) terms and argue that it is united concurrently with the gender injustice of androcentrism (Fraser 1997: 21). Fraser (1997: 16) suggests that it is only by relating these dual problematics that we are able to make sense of current dilemmas. Thus I have critiqued early menopause through a connection between individual embodied experiences of early menopause and early menopause as a modern phenomenon that is specific to women. I have attempted to unravel these arguments that simultaneously call to ‘... abolish gender differentiation and to valorize gender specificity’ (Fraser 1997: 21) while at the same time acknowledging their interconnectedness. An approach of merely combining women’s discourses with overarching social issues would be inadequate as not only do these problematics intersect but they also can be opposed. As Fraser (1997: 25) notes with her theory, redressing one aspect of cultural or social analysis can further imbalance another. For instance making visible the diversity and uniqueness of individual experiences of early menopause could detract from acknowledging the contemporary construction of early menopause through social inequality. Crucial to this understanding is a destabilizing of the binary construction of differences between the sexes that makes way for a reconstruction of early menopause through ‘sexual slippage’ (Matus 1995). In this thesis I look for a subtlety between the particular and the collective that views early menopause as concurrently a singular and changeable experience as well as imbedded in social practice. I suggest that these concepts are entwined as interactive effects of early menopause. Thus I have analyzed the bivalent problematics of the embodiment and social location of early menopause as imbricated, dynamic and unending discourses. From this perspective I reviewed the literature that was available on early menopause. In Chapter One I look to descriptions of early menopause and note that it has disappeared into a conglomeration of disparate, mostly medical, discourses that are contradictory. Nevertheless medical discourses offer ‘conclusive’ definitions of early menopause that are based on naturalistic views of the body (Shilling 1994). The determinants used are inconsistent and do not include women's discourses of early menopause. Thus, dominant medical discourses obscure women’s embodied experiences of early menopause and ignore the contemporary causes of early menopause. In Chapter Two I examine the causes of early menopause as a way of explaining the disparity between medical discourses and my anecdotal observations of early menopause as a fairly common contemporary occurrence. The relatively recent escalation in gynaecological surgery, especially hysterectomy, appears to account almost single-handedly for early menopause as a current phenomenon. Moreover, the extraordinary number of women who have their uterus removed at hysterectomy can be interpreted as a modern implementation of ancient anxieties. Women's sexuality has been constructed throughout history as problematic and this unease has been translated through women's bodies as dangerous and in need of control (Greer 1992). Thus social concerns which have evolved historically have emerged through the representation of a woman's uterus as an unseen, dark and mysterious risk (Beck 1993). Medical discourses define this risk and are able to negate the so-called dangers of women's sexuality through the surgical removal of their organs. Widespread negotiation of medical discourses is apparent, as hysterectomy in the modern Western world is the most common of all surgical operations (Hufnagel 1989). It is overwhelmingly the most common cause of early menopause as well. I examine also the historical condemnation of infertile women and how this anxiety has been transposed to the modern world through the commercialization of reproduction. Transactions of this social unease can cause early menopause. For instance the medical technology of in-vitro fertilization (I.V.F.) has been offered as a panacea for the infertility of early menopause but, paradoxically, can cause early menopause as well. Conception through technology has been normalized as a viable option for women who are unable to conceive and understandings of I.V.F. have moved into everyday discourse. Medical discourses have constructed fertility as a saleable item and infertile women expect that they can purchase this merchandise. Human eggs have become lucrative commodities that now are available in the market place. Egg ‘donation’ for I.V.F. programs can hasten the attrition rate of eggs and can cause early menopause in some pre-menopausal women (Rowland 1992: 24). Even the recycling of a woman’s uterus supposedly has become a possibility through the transferring of this ‘used’ organ at hysterectomy to a recipient woman who can use the other woman’s uterus as a ‘gestational garage’ (Rogers 1998). In this way women have been disembodied as mechanical systems with inter-changeable body parts and the potentially detrimental consequences of these commercial transactions are ignored. In addition I show how early menopause can be caused by the connection between the self and the social structure. Women's subjectivity is constituted through the cultural discourses available to them and these discourses affect social behaviour (Lupton 1995). For instance smoking and dieting have been identified as causes of early menopause. These activities have been related to the creation of women’s bodies as hetero-sexually desirable and are endemic to young women (Evans-Young 1995). This suggests that cultural causes of early menopause are transactions of sexual politics. Yet there is a paucity of literature that acknowledges the relationship between women’s subjectivity and early menopause. Thus the second chapter exposes a link between sexual politics and causes of early menopause through women's relationships with risk, naturalism and the self. In Chapter Three I deconstruct early menopause through theoretical considerations. I rely on an overarching poststructuralism that embraces the concept of fragmented plural discourses and the subjectivity of menopausal women as a continuous process (Komesaroff 1997: 61). I have woven these variables through broad feminist critiques (Leonard 1997). Through this eclectic approach I hoped to find some loose alignment between the corporeal, ontological and embodied dimensions of early menopause. The recurring themes of sexuality, fertility and subjectivity emerge through deconstructing discourses of sexual difference as immutable and non-negotiable; exposing ‘premature ovarian failure’ as a discursive construction that censures early-menopausal women; and acknowledging the discourses of individual women as unique, diverse and dynamic. I looked to a method of exposing some of these individual discourses and in Chapter Four I describe a critical research process aimed at understanding early menopause as a lived experience. In the remaining chapters I align these ontological arguments with an analysis of the discourses of women who had experienced or were experiencing an early menopause. This section partly relieves the ‘cultural non-recognition’ of the discourses of early-menopausal women. I recorded the narratives of fifty early-menopausal women through in-depth interviews and used this empirical data to direct the study. This data provides the opportunity to understand early menopause as an assortment of embodied experiences. For instance women’s experiences of age at commencement of menopause spanned over three and half decades. They did not reflect the age specifications prescribed by medical discourses. Rather women interpreted their experiences within their own discourses and determined their menopause as early based upon the expectations of their cultural context. Many of the women experienced changes attributed to menopause at midlife. It was not these changes that were significant to early-menopausal women it was how each woman translated these changes that provided meanings of early menopause. In Chapter Five I introduce the women through a table that connects the varying experiences of each woman. This profile shows that, in the main, the women’s experiences of early menopause were unexpected. I suggest that this is due to the disparity between early-menopausal women’s experiences and the current age and social norms of menopause. By bracketing the women into cohorts patterns emerged displaying differences between women who had menopause in their teens, twenties, thirties and forties. Adolescent women had intense feelings of abnormality and despair. Women who were in their twenties were less devastated by menopause than the younger women but described their sexuality and self-identity as changing. And although some women in their thirties were shocked or dismayed to have an early menopause others were ambivalent or happy. These women also described their sexuality and self-identity through changing discourses. A number of the women who were in their forties said that they were ‘too young for the menopause’ but were far less despondent than the younger women. It seemed that the greater the distance between age norms and social norms the more negatively women responded. Age norms that determine the social norms of women's lives through a ‘biological clock’ are constructed to reflect social values. But age is a social construction that changes over time. Thus it would appear that women’s changing bodies and changing discourses of early menopause are in the process of recreating age and social norms around menopause. In Chapter Six I draw upon women’s narratives that describe a connection between early menopause and sexuality. Yet the respondents were not unified in their constructions of sexuality. For instance a number of the women rejected the containment of their sexuality as absolute and defined in terms of bi-lateral hetero-sexual opposition. The discourses of these women constructed their sexuality as continuously flexible. Some early-menopausal women described this sexual mobility as an equivocal relationship between their sexuality, reproductive capacity and female organs. Other women articulated their sexuality as vacillating, ambiguous and unrepresentative of the so-called ‘true woman’. Several felt that they were not meant to have female reproductive organs at all. Nearly one third of the women had had their uterus removed at hysterectomy and the reproductive organs of two women were rudimentary. Women’s narratives showed that the social value of fertility influences constructions of early menopause. In Chapter Seven I record the contrast between the poignant responses of women who wished to have a baby of their own and other women who resisted discourses that entwine reproductivity with being a woman. For instance some women negotiated fertility through economic discourses of consumerism with the expectation that they could purchase conception as a commodity. Other women welcomed their early menopause as freedom from contraceptive concerns and others had no interest in reproduction at all. Thus discord arose through discourses that problematize early-menopausal women as non-reproductive and discourses that value variability. In addition many of the women’s accounts constructed their subjectivity as mobile, challenging the notion that discourses of the self are immutable. Chapter Eight presents narratives which suggest that the subjectivity of many women was altered continuously by early menopause. Yet some of the women rejected the construction of their subjectivity as unfluctuating. These contradictions reflect the uncertainties of the contemporary world. Nevertheless most respondents found that the tethering of menopause to constructions of midlife was incongruous with their own experiences. Many women refused to accept the label of social redundancy attached to middle-aged women. They moved their subjectivity beyond the reproductive body to a shifting and tractable identity of the self. This thesis demonstrates that the medical construction of early menopause as a rare and natural female flaw varies from women's experiences which suggest that early menopause is common and discursively constructed. This disparity has occurred through the privilege placed upon the construction of bodies as immutable and sexually static. This privileging has obscured the multi-dimensional causes of early menopause and given preference to a mono-causal theory. By exposing the variety of causes of early menopause the medical construction of women through a universal and unalterable body of reproduction is challenged. Moreover, women's discourses of early menopause demonstrate that the medical reduction of early menopause to a spontaneous bio-chemical malfunction has ignored the volatility of women’s embodied experiences. Women experience early menopause variously and through mercurial discourses. I suggest here that women's discourses of their experiences of early menopause reflect recurring and restructuring philosophical quandaries of fertility, sexuality and subjectivity. While there can be no representative claims made from this thesis it contributes to an understanding of the embodied experiences of early menopause. It provides an understanding of the creation of early menopause through social practices and goes part way to redressing the problematics of what Fraser terms ‘cultural non-recognition’. But, more importantly, it acknowledges early menopause as a variety of experiences where women interpret their changing bodies through changing discourses.

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Pregnancy is now considered to be an important risk factor for new or persistent obesity among women during the childbearing years. High gestational weight gain is the strongest predictor of maternal overweight or obesity following pregnancy. A growing body of evidence also suggests that both high and low gestational weight gains are independently associated with an increased risk of childhood obesity, suggesting that influences occurring very early in life are contributing to obesity onset. In response to these data, the US Institute of Medicine (IOM) revised gestational weight gain guidelines in 2009 for the first time in nearly two decades. However, less than one third of pregnant women achieve guideline-recommended gains, with the majority gaining above IOM recommended levels. To date, interventions to optimize pregnancy weight gains have had mixed success. In this paper, we summarize the evidence from human and animal studies linking over-nutrition and under-nutrition in pregnancy to maternal and child obesity. In addition, we discuss published trials and ongoing interventions to achieve appropriate gestational weight gain as a strategy for obesity prevention in women and their children.

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BACKGROUND: Most populations are consuming too much salt which is the main contributor of high blood pressure, a leading risk factor of cardiovascular disease and stroke. The South Pacific Office of the World Health Organization has been facilitating the development of salt reduction strategies in Pacific Island Countries and areas (PICs). The objective of this analysis was to review progress to date and identify regional actions needed to support PICs and ensure they achieve the global target to reduce population salt intake by 30% by 2025.
METHODS: Relevant available national food, health and non-communicable disease (NCD) plans from all 22 PICs were reviewed. NCD co-ordinators provided updates and relayed experiences through semi-structured interviews. All activities were systematically categorised according to an existing salt reduction framework for the development of salt reduction strategies.
RESULTS: Salt reduction consultations had been held in 14 countries and final strategies or action plans developed in nine of these, with drafts available in a further three. Three other countries had integrated salt reduction into NCD strategic plans. Baseline monitoring of salt intake had been undertaken in three countries, salt levels in foods in nine countries and salt knowledge, attitude and behaviour surveys in four countries. Most countries were at early stages of implementation and identified limited resources as a barrier to action. Planned salt reduction strategies included work with food industry or importers, implementing regional salt reduction targets, reducing salt levels in school and hospital meals, behaviour change campaigns, and monitoring and evaluation.
CONCLUSIONS: There had been good progress on salt reduction planning in PICs. The need for increased capacity to effectively implement agreed activities, supported by regional standards and the establishment of improved monitoring systems, were identified as important steps to ensure the potential cardiovascular health benefits of salt reduction could be fully realised in the region.

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To reduce the burden of fracture, not only does bone fragility need to be addressed, but also injury prevention. Thus, fracture epidemiology irrespective of degree of trauma is informative. We aimed to determine age-and-sex-specific fracture incidence rates for the Barwon Statistical Division, Australia, 2006-2007. Using radiology reports, incident fractures were identified for 5342 males and 4512 females, with incidence of 210.4 (95 % CI 204.8, 216.2) and 160.0 (155.3, 164.7)/10,000/year, respectively. In females, spine (clinical vertebral), hip (proximal femoral) and distal forearm fractures demonstrated a pattern of stable incidence through early adult life, with an exponential increase beginning in postmenopausal years for fractures of the forearm followed by spine and hip. A similar pattern was observed for the pelvis, humerus, femur and patella. Distal forearm, humerus, other forearm and ankle fractures showed incidence peaks during childhood and adolescence. For males, age-related changes mimicked the female pattern for fractures of the spine, hip, ribs, pelvis and humerus. Incidence at these sites was generally lower for males, particularly among the elderly. A similar childhood-adolescent peak was seen for the distal forearm and humerus. For ankle fractures, there was an increase during childhood and adolescence but this extended into early adult life; in contrast to females, there were no further age-related increases. An adolescent-young adult peak incidence was observed for fractures of the face, clavicle, carpal bones, hand, fingers, foot and toe, without further age-related increases. Examining patterns of fracture provides the evidence base for monitoring temporal changes in fracture burden, and for identifying high-incidence groups to which fracture prevention strategies could be directed.

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The towns presently named Pombal and Sousa, located in the hinterland of the State of Paraíba, Brazil, still keep vestiges of the colonization process they went through along the 18th and 19th centuries, when they both emerged as settlement nuclei in the extreme West of the then captaincy of Paraíba and attained the status of freguesia and vila in a later period. This research aims to comprehend the process of urban formation and development of the colonial urban nuclei of Pombal and Sousa as they became povoados (hamlets), freguesias (parishes) and vilas (small urban communities with a local government), according to territorial expansion policies implemented by the Portuguese government from 1697 to 1800. The choice of the two urban settlements for this survey lies in the fact that they were part of the great conquest and colonization program undertaken by the Portuguese Crown. Another aspect that was considered was the fact that those towns are the oldest urban nuclei of Paraíba s hinterland. They came into being as early as in the times of the colony, thus producing a favorable environment to the study of the changes that occurred in the captaincy s hinterland scenery resulting from the process of formation and development of the colonial urban space. Three fundamental categories of analysis were defined since they have a direct bearing upon the urban configuration of the two colonization nuclei: povoado, freguesia and vila. The three of them are related to civil and ecclesiastic jurisdictions. Field, documentation and bibliography surveys were undertaken in order to develop the study. They allowed for the finding of vestiges of the old, colonial urban structures and for the development of theoretical analysis based on present-day studies of issues relating to the colonial urban history. The study purposes were, therefore, to try to understand how the old urban nuclei of Pombal and Sousa fit in the territorial expansion policies undertaken by the Portuguese government; to relate the process of urban formation and development of such nuclei with the categories of analysis povoação-freguesia-vila by discussing the relations and influences they exert over one another and their territory, as well as to unveil, as much as possible, the configuration the urban spaces that were shaped along the 18th century

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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The Serido Group is a deformed and metamorphosed metasedimentary sequence that overlies early Paleoproterozoic to Archean basement of the Rio Grande do Norte domain in the Borborema Province of NE Brazil. The age of the Serido Group has been disputed over the past two decades, with preferred sedimentation ages being either Paleoproterozoic or Neoproterozoic. Most samples of the Serido Formation, the upper part of the Serido Group, have Sm-Nd T-DM ages between 1200 and 1600 Ma. Most samples of the Jucurutu Formation, the lower part of the Serido Group, have T-DM ages ranging from 1500 to 1600 Ma; some basal units have T-DM ages as old as 2600 Ma, reflecting proximal basement. Thus, based on Sm-Nd data, most, if not all, of the Serido Group was deposited after 1600 Ma and upper parts must be younger than 1200 Ma.Cathodoluminescence photos of detrital zircons show very small to no overgrowths produced during ca. 600 Ma Brasiliano deformation and metamorphism, so that SHRIMP and isotope dilution U-Pb ages must represent crystallization ages of the detrital zircons. Zircons from meta-arkose near the base of the Jucurutu Formation yield two groups of ages: ca. 2200 Ma and ca. 1800 Ma. In contrast, zircons from a metasedimentary gneiss higher in the Jucurutu Formation yield much younger ages, with clusters at ca. 1000 Ma and ca. 650 Ma. Zircons from metasedimentary and metatuffaceous units in the Serido Formation also yield ages primarily between 1000 and 650 Ma, with clusters at 950-1000, 800, 750, and 650 Ma. Thus, most, if not all, of the Serido Group must be younger than 650 Ma. Because these units were deformed and metamorphosed in the ca. 600 Ma Brasiliano fold belt during assembly of West Gondwana, deposition probably occurred ca. 610-650 Ma, soon after crystallization of the youngest population of zircons and before or during the onset of Brasiliano deformation.The Serido Group was deposited upon Paleoproterozoic basement in a basin receiving detritus from a variety of sources. The Jucurutu Formation includes some basal volcanic rocks and initially received detritus from proximal 2.2-2.0 Ga (Transamazonian) to late Paleoproterozoic (1.8-1.7 Ga) basement. Provenance for the upper Jucurutu Formation and all of the Serido Formation was dominated by more distal and younger sources ranging in age from 1000 to 650 Ma. We suggest that the Serido basin may have developed as the result of late Neoproterozoic extension of a pre-existing continental basement, with formation of small marine basins that were largely floored by cratonic basement (subjacent oceanic crust has not yet been found). Immature sediment was initially derived from surrounding land; as the basin evolved much of the detritus probably came from highlands to the south (present coordinates). Alternatively, if the Patos shear zone is a major terrane boundary, the basin may have formed as an early collisional foredeep associated with south-dipping subduction. In any case, within 30 million years the region was compressed, deformed, and metamorphosed during final assembly of West Gondwana and formation of the Brasiliano-Pan African fold belts. (C) 2003 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

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Incluye Bibliografía

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Includes bibliography

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Includes bibliography

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Background: The epidemic of HIV/AIDS enters into its fourth decade and is still considered an important public health problem in developed and developing countries. The purpose is verify the oral health and other factors that influence the quality of life of people living with HIV/AIDS attending a public service reference in Brazil.Methods: The participants answered the questionnaire on socio-demographic conditions, issues related to HIV and daily habits. The quality of life was analyzed by the HIV/AIDS Targeted Quality of Life (HAT-QoL) instrument with 42 items divided into nine domains: General Activity, Sexual Activity, Confidentiality concerns, Health Concerns, Financial Concern, HIV Awareness, Satisfaction with Life Issues related to medication and Trust in the physician. The oral health data were collected by means of the DMFT index, use and need of dentures and the Community Periodontal Index, according to the criteria proposed by the World Health Organization, by a calibrated researcher. Bivariate and multiple linear regressions were performed.Results: Of the participants, 53.1% were women and had a mean age of 42 years, 53.1% had eight years or less of schooling and 20.3% were not employed. In analyzing the quality of life domain of the HAT-QoL, with a lower average there was: Financial concern (39.4), followed by Confidentiality concern (43.2), Sexual activities (55.2) and Health concerns (62. 88). There was an association between the variables: do not have link to employment (p < 0.001), is brown or black (p = 0.045), alcohol consumption (p = 0.041), did not make use of antiretroviral therapy (p = 0.006), high levels of viral load (p = 0.035) and need for dentures (p = 0.025), with the worse quality of life scores.Conclusion: Socioeconomic and inadequate health conditions had a negative impact on the quality of life of people with HIV/AIDS.

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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Pós-graduação em História - FCHS

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Mammography is the best exam for early diagnosis of breast cancer. Developing countries frequently have a low income of mammography and absence of organized screening. The knowledge of vulnerable population and strategies to increase adherence are important to improve the implementation of an organized breast-screening program. A mammography regional-screening program was implemented in a place around 54.238 women, aged 40-69 years old. It was proposed to perform biannual mammography free of cost for the women. We analyze the first 2 years of the implementation of the project. Mammography was realized in 17.964 women. 42.1% of the women hadn't done de mammography in their lives and these women were principally from low socio-economic status (OR=2.99), low education (OR=3.00). The best strategies to include these women were mobile unit (OR=1.43) and Family Health Program (OR=1.79). The incidence of early breast tumors before the project was 14.5%, a fact that changed to 43.2% in this phase. Multivariate analysis showed that the association of illiterate and the mobile unit achieve more women who had not performed mammography in their lives. The strategies to increase adherence to mammography must be multiple and a large organization is necessary to overpass the barriers related to system health and education.