976 resultados para Eleições diretas


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This paper examines two aspects. First, the symbolic dimension of politics and some of the elements that make up this universe, as the scenario, the representation, the myth, the spectacle, the media and the political and electoral marketing. We assume that the policy brings together a set of traits related to both reason and the human subjectivity, and can not be summed up in just a few calculations based on rationality. In the case of elections, in a process (ritual, according Irlys Barrier) of choice, there is a meeting of two systems of representations: to that transmitted by a political actor, in a scene from a particular context, based on a life trajectory unique, and the other from the public, crossed by social relations, situations own wishes, desires, expectations and unique perspectives. Between them there are the means of mass media (especially television), and with them the advent of language media and advertising applied to politics, changing the layout of public visibility and inaugurating what Rejane Accioly Carvalho will call the "aesthetics of mostrabilidade". This does not necessarily mean a preponderance of media on politics as a whole but only its adaptation to that with regard to contact with the public, the ad extra portion of the policy, according to Wilson Gomes. In a second aspect, try to apply these elements to a specific study to verify them in building an effective public image, in this case, the current governor of Rio Grande do Norte, Wilma de Faria. The concept of public image is from the book of Wilson Gomes The transformation was visible in the mass media, and relates to a conceptual image to fix "personality traits" through political history, personal conduct, action of image makers and the public reception. For this we will review some videos aired on Free Time for political propaganda in the years 2002 and 2006.

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The broad objective of the research The pedagogic use of ICT as development of teaching capacity: the case of ProInfo Natal/RN was to realize an evaluation of this program effectiveness in public schools. Specifically, we ve tried to observe if the program: a) succeeded by promoting the pedagogical use of new ICTs, b) stimulated the improvement of teaching and learning using ICT, and c) performed functionings and expanding its capabilities. The methodology consisted of literature revision; realization of half-structured interviews with administrators and teachers, and leading four focal groups with students in 9th grade of elementary school, were also made observations and analysis about the official documents which regulates the program. Our results showed that ProInfo presents various interferences in its effectiveness, causing a gap between its marks and the actual results of its use in everyday life of schools. We ve concluded that the program needs to challenge these weaknesses in order to contribute to the promotion of functionings and expanding its capabilities

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Education and technology have always walked side by side. The Information and Communication Technologies are inserted in education as a profile of people from the new era. This research has the objective of understanding the insertion of the use of the Technologies of Information and Communication within the educational context, from the analysis of the process of interactivity among students and teachers of the Portuguese distance course of the Tiradentes University (Unit). For such, the empiric investigation was based on the analysis of academic documents, such as: the Course Pedagogical Project and Class Planning of regular classes, in regular classrooms, as well as interviews, focal groups, and pictures with people who live the history of the course. Direct observations were also conducted. The methodology applied was bibliographic and qualitative research of the exploratory type, using the information that was collected through the interviews. The results of this research demonstrated that the interaction promoted by the ICT represents a process of social change, and therefore, of development for education. It was concluded that the Distance Education has to overcome some fragilities, aiming at contributing to the educational field and to the promotion of interactions among students

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior

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Este estudo faz uma abordagem sobre as alianças eleitorais, destacando duas vertentes importantes nos processos de suas formações nas arenas políticas. Na primeira parte do trabalho é feita uma análise mais geral a respeito da problemática em questão. Onde dois ciclos políticos são analisados, apresentando o comportamento político-partidário dos partidos no Brasil. No primeiro ciclo, uma breve compreensão da política café-com-leite na República Velha, na qual, PRP e PRM dominam politicamente a arena nacional. O segundo ciclo, compreendido de 1945 a 1964, foram analisados os processos eleitorais estaduais e nacionais. Nestes, os resultados analíticos mostram o que refletem no comportamento político-partidário dos partidos do passado e do presente no país. Outro aspecto importante também abordado na primeira parte foi a verticalização das alianças eleitorais, a qual teve como objetivo impor harmonia partidária entre os partidos nas formações das alianças eleitorais. Revendo esse processo político, vimos que, a imposição da verticalização não resolveu o problema da inexistência harmônica dos partidos no ato da formação das alianças eleitorais tocante ao espectro ideológico. A segunda parte da pesquisa está dividida em duas partes. A primeira faz uma análise sobre a trajetória política do PT e suas políticas de alianças, que se inicia no V Encontro Nacional do Partido em 1987. Como consequência da expansão partidária, outras políticas de alianças são aprovadas pelo Partido dos Trabalhadores. Na segunda parte, é trabalhada as eleições municipais de 2008 em Natal, que observa analiticamente a campanha do PT e as alianças eleitorais realizadas pelo Partido para participar do pleito. Os velhos adversários políticos e oligárquicos formaram alianças com PT. Partido que nasceu combatendo as velhas práticas da política conservadora no nosso país, nos estados e nos municípios brasileiros

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Given the importance that political science and social sciences give studies of voting behavior, this study sought to fill this academic discussion another important element that makes up this complex set. From the campaign trail to City Christmas in 2012 work has been undertaken analysis of rejection in the first and second rounds of this election. For this analysis we used two sources of data: quantitative research, conducted by Search Consult the first and second rounds of elections, and the use of focus group technique, performed in the second round of elections. Knowing the various factors that may affect the voting decision, but also the dynamism that pervades a political dispute, seek, with this work, contribute to the deepening of the rejection of studies, aiming to bring subsidies presenting information to better explain the behavior studies election. The results showed that there is a less expressive, the chamda strong rejection. We speak of that rejection based on a political, historical and ideological. The reason for the weak presence of strong rejection seems to be little involvement of voters with politics and, consequently, low knowledge about politics and politicians. We observe, however, evidence of rejection volatile. We refer here to a kind of rejection that develops during the election process depending on the preference of the voter and according to the circumstances of the campaign. The data also lead us to conclude that television is as an instrument for the dissemination of ideas that can contribute in shaping the opinion of viewers. The role of political parties in representing the interests of the people have lost their strength in recent years. The data also show that, to the extent that increases the preference of voters in the electoral process, also increases its rejection

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This thesis is the result of a study on the role of technical assistance in the process of agroecological transition, which are under way in rural settlements in the territory of Mato Grande, Rio Grande do Norte. Your goal is, from the Technical Assistance Program, Social and Environmental (ATES), launched in 2004 by INCRA understand to what extent this action accomplished their goal of doing a job with a focus on agroecology. To this end, we chose to work with a qualitative methodology, through interviews with settlers, advisors and representatives of INCRA. They also contributed to developing this thesis, the direct observations, which offer visits to settlements and advisory bodies in the Rede Pardal, apart from participation in meetings and activities in which they were being discussed the issues of advice, agroecology and rural settlements. The thesis is divided into five chapters, plus introduction and conclusion. The first three refer to a theoretical analysis and historical about the process of land reform, and as a result the establishment of rural settlements, the importance of peasant tradition for the design of agro-ecological design and the relationship between agricultural models and proposals advice to the countryside. In two subsequent chapters, there was a panoramic picture of the territory of Mato Grande, settlements and groups that make up this research, for then analyze the performance of advisory services in these settlements, with the parameter, agroecology. It was found that the advice in this perspective, suffers a series of constraints, causing a gap between the ideal proposed in the manual and the actual practiced in their daily lives. Still, it is concluded that the ATES has contributed to innovations in productive groups who are experiencing agroecological processes, which can be regarded as shoots for the transition to a new dynamic of development.

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Descreve-se aqui a formação da Imagem Pública de Luis Inácio Lula da Silva através do Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral, nas quatro eleições presidenciais que marcaram o período de democratização do País: 1989, 1994, 1998 e 2002. O fato de um candidato contrário às elites, três vezes derrotado em eleições anteriores, conseguir convencer através da mídia a elegê-lo eleitores que votavam antes em seus adversários, demonstra que a democracia representativa brasileira é institucionalmente compatível com regime de informação imposto pelos meios de comunicação de massa na sociedade atual? Além de comprovar a preponderância da Imagem Pública em processos eleitorais em que o Cenário de Representação da Política se caracteriza pela imprevisibilidade, a pesquisa constatou ainda que a atual luta política, mais que uma luta meramente pela visibilidade imposta pela TV e pelos meios de comunicação em geral ainda é uma disputa política. E que a mídia enquadra a política, mas também é por ela agendada, principalmente em momentos de grande incerteza política e/ou pouca previsibilidade eleitoral

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Las experiencias colectivas como canales de acceso a mejores condiciones de vida, engendradas por los sectores populares y, especialmente, por las populaciones rurales, nos motivaron a la realización de esta investigación. Teniendo como unidad de análisis una cooperativa constituida por agricultores y agricultoras familiares, investigada por medio de un estudio de caso y como base teórica las concepciones de economía solidaria y popular, nuestra cuestión central fue comprender ¿cuales las prácticas adoptadas que han posibilitado su éxito? Para ello, partimos de la hipótesis de que el éxito de esas organizaciones depende de la aplicación de los principios cooperativistas, cuales sean: adhesión libre y voluntaria, democracia, participación, intercooperación, educación e información, preocupación con el entorno, autonomía e independencia; y de sus relaciones externas con el Estado y otras instituciones de apoyo. Para cumplir nuestro propósito, fueron seleccionados también algunos indicadores, una amuestra aleatoria de la población elegida y los representantes de las instituciones involucradas con la cooperativa. Siendo una investigación de carácter más cualitativa, pero usando dados cuantitativos, fueron utilizados para la coleta de los datos encuestas semi-estructuradas, cuestionarios con preguntas abiertas y cerradas, observaciones directas, registros fotográficos y análisis documentales. Los principales resultados encontrados indican que la hipótesis fue confirmada, o sea, el éxito de la cooperativa estudiada tuvo vinculación directa con la aplicación de los principios cooperativistas, con el acceso a los recursos públicos disponibles y con los apoyos de otras instituciones, generando beneficios socioeconómicos para los cooperados y externalidades positivas para el desenvolvimiento del entorno

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The current dissertation has as its main object of study the malaise with politics phenomenon. To comprehend it, is carried out in this work a inquiry, in different stages of analysis, based in the empirical data raised by the research Os Processos Sociais de Recepção do Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral , made by the Grupo de Estudos Mídia e Poder, of the Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte, during the local elections of 2004 in the city of Natal. Based in the focus group technique, such research raised an ample set of information about the decoding process of the electoral television programs, made by six different groups of citizens from the popular classes. Beginning from the presuppose which such process is influenced by the representations about politics made by those subjects, we use that set of empirical information to inquiry not only the decoding, but that same representations which this process is based. In this way, we analyse, in one side, the globally contrary decoding which subjects made from a conforming code of opposition and, in the other, the structure of feeling which it s based, called structure of feeling of the malaise with politics. Such structure is compound by generating themes which expresses the contraposition about the institutionalized politics and, in the same time, a resignation about politics which fortifies the dominant groups hegemony. We support the thesis which this set of representations about politics is caused by the denial of rights frame which those subjects are immersed

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A problemática atual da urbanização coloca questões delicadas referentes ao seu ritmo de crescimento, sua relação com o desenvolvimento econômico, o aparecimento de novas formas urbanas e sua relação com as novas maneiras de articulação capitalista. A compreensão espacial do lazer nas cidades apresenta-se, assim, como tema de grande importância para as sociedades contemporâneas. O interesse e a importância de tratar esse tema na cidade do Natal - enfocando-se a distribuição dos espaços públicos de lazer nos diversos bairros e sua utilização pelos seus habitantes - justifica-se pelo fato dessa capital apresentar um crescimento populacional surpreendente nos últimos anos, tendo uma expansão urbana desordenada que se reflete na carência de infra-estrutura urbana e numa forte segregação espacial. Foram feitas a verificação da disponibilidade de espaços públicos de lazer nos bairros e a identificação dos diversos fatores que interferem na utilização desses espaços, visando contribuir para a compreensão do fenômeno do lazer urbano, bem como, para o aprofundamento da discussão acerca da função social desses, que possibilite montar estratégias para a utilização de forma democrática desses espaços nas cidades. Para tanto foi necessária uma articulação teórica das questões peltinentes ao espaço urbano e ao lazer, que formam uma área epistemológica de interseção quando trata das questões referentes ao direito à cidadania, onde está contemplado o direito à cidade (á moradia e ao seu entomo). Os dados para que caracterizaram as vivências do lazer nos espaços públicos da cidade foram levantados em três fontes: nos documentos (plano diretor da cidade, planos de políticas públicas entre outros), nas entrevistas com a comunidade e nas observações diretas dos espaços de manifestações do lazer. A análise aponta que existe uma distribuição irregular dos espaços públicos de lazer, por bairro e Região Administrativa da cidade do Natal que apresenta relação com a segregação espacial por classe, existente na cidade, fruto da dinâmica econômica e práticas sociais aqui existentes. Constata-se ainda que a camada desprovida desses equipamentos de lazer não age espontaneamente, nem através de seus representantes e mandatários institucionais, em prol da distribuição de oportunidades nesses campos, possibilitando que a segregação continue em círculos viciosos, pois a própria segregação dificulta o encontro, a percepção das diferenças e o conflito, que podem ser resgatados numa nova forma de organização do cotidiano

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This thesis analyzes the political and electoral trajectory of the PFL in Rio Grande do Norte from its beginning in 1985 until his last electoral dispute in 2006, before the process of rebuilding occurred in 2007. The central argument of the thesis is that the PFL occupied side by side with the PMDB the central position in the dynamic of the state partisan politics. This was due to its ability to control the process of disputes for majority positions in the state, especially for Senate vacancies. The hypothesis that support the central argument are related to the trajectory of the formation of the party still under the military regime, where the group that took over the leadership of the party enjoyed privileged conditions for the consolidation of political and electoral power. Another factor associated with their performance was the force that was developed in the second-largest electoral college in the state, Mossoró. To these hypotheses we add the role Jose Agripino Maia who, leading without competitors within the party, concentrated a large power in making decisions in face of adverse contexts to ensure (his) conditions for success in majoritarian disputes

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Ce travail analyse la portée subjective des Choix Électoraux à travers la notion psychanalytique du désarroi humain. Nous avons développé cette recherche ayant pour référence la pensée de Freud et de Lacan et suivant les jalons posés par les penseurs des sciences sociales nous nous sommes rapprochées de la réalité sociale pour y « atteindre sur son horizon la subjectivité de notre époque ». La condition de désarroi fait partie de la structuration du sujet, du fait qu il dépend entièrement de l Autre pour se construire. Cependant l être humain se crée des mécanismes pour se protéger du désarroi absolu, il trouve des arts de vivre qui lui rendent plus facile sa condition d être. Les idéaux, les pactes sociaux ce sont des modalités de sécurité sans lesquelles le sujet fixe ses particularités sans s engager dans le processus civilisatoire. Nous caractérisons la société contemporaine par la chute successive d une série d idéaux qui fait monter de plus en plus le désarroi. Dans l absence d idéaux sociaux et politiques sur lesquels l électeur puisse se repérer, nous remaquons une tendance vers l individualisme et vers l absence d investissements dans des projets colectifs. Cette façon d opérer se dévoile aussi au moment de choisir un candidat, ce qui se base sur la logique du particulier motivée par des perspectives individuelles, sans liens avec la promotion de la vie publique. Notre enquête a été réalisée à Natal durant la campagne électorale de 2002. Notre objectif est de comprendre surtout la logique des choix électoraux de la population de la périphérie, celle qui se trouve devant un double désarroi : celle de sa condition humaine et celle qu advient de la précaire condition de subsistance. Nous soutenons que l idée selon laquelle le candidat, par la position qu il occupe dans la société, détient la fonction d offrir quelques garanties à l électeur et de cette manière il entre dans la série de ce qui peut soulager et promouvoir un certain réconfort aux personnes, même si l on considère le fait que l électeur ne croit plus à ses représentants. Nous sommes partis des questions suivantes: comment identifier la dimension subjective des choix électoraux et de quelle manière celle-ci se manifeste-t-elle de nos jours ? Comment se passe le choix éléctoral de la population qui est à la marge du système? La thèse que nous soutenons est que l état de désarroi est un substrat subjectif qui est la base de tout choix éléctoral mais qui se configure de façon différenciée à partir des références de l électeur, de son contexte historique, des facteurs économiques, etc. Le sujet, face à son désarroi, construit des chemins pour pouvoir soutenir son existence ce que nous appellons ici un Projet Directionnel. Ce facteur directionnel est l un des éléments de motivation des électeurs dans leurs choix électoraux

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico

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Family farming has been considered as the new axis of rural development in the country, the focus of several public policies, especially the National Program for Strengthening Family Agriculture - PRONAF and Food Purchase Program - PAA. PRONAF was created with the aim of providing credit to farmers, while the PAA to support family farmers through the purchase of its production. In this context, the objective of this study is to analyze the correspondence of these two public policies for family farming, in the Territories of Citizenship of the state of Rio Grande do Norte, between the years 2008 to 2010. In the methodology, the analysis was performed by comparing the distributions of the two programs in the territories of citizenship status. There were also statistical tests of differences in proportions, and Spearman correlations, and estimated a logit regression model, in order to measure the probability of a farmer participating in the PAA is associated with one of the modes of PRONAF. The data used were obtained from the National and Supply - CONAB at the Institute of Technical Assistance and Rural Extension - EMATER, and the Ministry of Agrarian Development - MDA. Among the key findings was noted that policies were associated with a direct, but low in the districts of the Territories of Citizenship. And that, in the years 2008 and 2009, only in the territories of Mato Grande, Alto Oeste and Seridó, the actions of PAA and PRONAF had direct and significant correlations. It was found that in most of the territories, policies are performed randomly, ie that both have no correlation to each other. The estimates of the logit model showed that the chance of a family farmer, the PAA participant, receive credits PRONAF A, is higher in the territory of Mato Grande, and would have a chance to fall in PRONAF B in all areas surveyed. Moreover, farmers in the territories of the Assu-Mossoró, Sertão of Apodi, Seridó and Alto Oeste, participating in the PAA would be more likely to receive credits PRONAF C, reflecting thus the family farm more consolidated these territories