972 resultados para Conflict Transformation


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Catching a ball involves a dynamic transformation of visual information about ball motion into motor commands for moving the hand to the right place at the right time. We previously formulated a neural model for this transformation to account for the consistent leftward movement biases observed in our catching experiments. According to the model, these biases arise within the representation of target motion as well as within the transformation from a gaze-centered to a body-centered movement command. Here, we examine the validity of the latter aspect of our model in a catching task involving gaze fixation. Gaze fixation should systematically influence biases in catching movements, because in the model movement commands are only generated in the direction perpendicular to the gaze direction. Twelve participants caught balls while gazing at a fixation point positioned either straight ahead or 14 degrees to the right. Four participants were excluded because they could not adequately maintain fixation. We again observed a consistent leftward movement bias, but the catching movements were unaffected by fixation direction. This result refutes our proposal that the leftward bias partly arises within the visuomotor transformation, and suggests instead that the bias predominantly arises within the early representation of target motion, specifically through an imbalance in the represented radial and azimuthal target motion.

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The aim of the study was to determine the time-dependent formation of arsenic-phytochelatin (As-PC) complexes in the roots, stems and leaves of an arsenic-nontolerant plant (Helianthus annuus) during exposure to 66 mol l(-1) arsenite (As(III)) or arsenate (As(V)). We used our previously developed method of simultaneous element-specific (inductively coupled plasma mass spectrometry, ICP-MS) and molecular-specific (electrospray-ionization mass spectrometry, ES-MS) detection systems interfaced with a suitable chromatographic column and eluent conditions, which enabled us to identify and quantify As-PC complexes directly. Roots of As-exposed H. annuus contained up to 14 different arsenic species, including the complex of arsenite with two (gamma-Glu-Cys)(2)-Gly molecules [As((III))-(PC(2))(2)], the newly identified monomethylarsonic phytochelatin-2 or (gamma-Glu-Cys)(2)-Gly CH(3)As (MA((III))-PC(2)) and at least eight not yet identified species. The complex of arsenite with (gamma-Glu-Cys)(3)-Gly (As((III))-PC(3)) and the complex of arsenite with glutathione (GSH) and (gamma-Glu-Cys)(2)-Gly (GS-As((III))-PC(2)) were present in all samples (roots, stems and leaves) taken from plants exposed to As. The GS-As((III))-PC(2) complex was the dominant complex after 1 h of exposure. As((III))-PC(3) became the predominant As-PC complex after 3 h, binding up to 40% of the As present in the exposed plants. No As-PC complexes were found in sap (mainly xylem sap from the root system), in contrast to roots, stems and leaves, which is unequivocal evidence that As-PC complexes are not involved in the translocation of As from root to leaves of H. annuus.

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The paper uses research on the EU Special Programme for Peace and Reconciliation in Northern Ireland and the Border Counties of the Republic of Ireland (Peace II) to interrogate the relationship between inter-nationalization, transnationalism and the amelioration of a deeply territorialized ethno-national conflict. It concludes that inter-national cooperation and territorial containment strategies risk enhancing zero-sum territorial politics without more coherent articulation of strategies for building transnational networks of cooperation and conflict resolution

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While Northern Ireland experiences relative peace and political stability, its violent past is normalized in murals and commemorations, the language and posturing of opposition politics, segregated communities and social life. In “post-conflict” Northern Ireland, children and youth disproportionately experience paramilitary-style attacks and routine sectarian violence. The violence of poverty and restricted opportunities within communities debilitated by three decades of conflict is masked by a discourse of social, economic and political progress. Drawing on qualitative research, this paper illustrates the continued legacy and impacts of violence on the lives of children and youth living in post-ceasefire Northern Ireland. It discusses the prominence of violence—sectarian, racist, political, “everyday,” domestic, “informal”—in young people's accounts and the impacts on their safety, sense of belonging, identity formation, use of space and emotional well-being. The paper concludes by challenging narrow and reductionist explanations of violence, arguing the need to contextualize these within local, historical, political, cultural and material contexts.

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This article adapts and expands a recent model of ethnic competition by exploring its implications over a long period spanning crucial stages in the modernisation of the political system. It illustrates the model by reference to developments in Northern Ireland since its modern party system was launched in the 1880s. This offers an exceptionally clear example of the interaction of central elements of the model: the initial bedding down of a system of bipartisan ethnic competition, with two parties having a remarkable capacity to resist ethnic outbidding; the fragmentation of this system following the introduction of a set of major institutional forms that facilitated ethnic outbidding; and the continuing resilience of ethnically based parties in warding off challenges from groups seeking to prioritise other political dimensions. The model's implications are tested against a comprehensive collection of ecological and survey data.

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This article examines the role of tourism as a motive and mechanism for change in contemporary cities, considering how the theming of space with tourists in mind necessarily involves other kinds of spatial and social transformation, and asking what role actual and hypothetical tourists play in local contests over space and representation. Looking closely at Belfast’s Gaeltacht Quarter provides an insight into how global fashions in place marketing, tourism and minority language promotion intersect with the particularities of areas to which they are applied. This paper argues that the superficially value-neutral, internationally recognisable language of economic
development can be used both as a means of transcending, and a means of
strategically negotiating, intense struggles over space, identity and status.

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This paper examines the potential of international actors to contribute to conflict resolution by analysing the evolving role of the European Union (EU) in embedding Northern Ireland's peace process. Scrutiny of the EU's approach to conflict resolution in Northern Ireland offers useful insights into the scope and potential of soft power for facilitating behavioural change from governmental to grass-roots levels. This paper traces the development of the EU's approach to conflict resolution in Northern Ireland from one concentrated on encouraging state-level agreement, to nurturing peace through multilevel funding, through now to consolidating the peace by facilitating regional-level empowerment. The core argument is that, in sum, the most critical element of the EU's contribution to peace in Northern Ireland has been, quite simply, that of enduring commitment.