975 resultados para school break time


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To examine 1) associations between life events and changes in leisure-time physical activity (LTPA) in school leavers and 2) whether these associations are moderated by psychosocial factors.

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Whilst the technological, pedagogical and content knowledge (TPACK) model has been increasingly adopted for understanding teachers’ use of technology, there have been many calls for greater discussion about the constituent constructs, their relationship with one another and the central TPACK. This paper analyses qualitatively the TPACK demonstrated by the teacher of a Year 11class who used web-based simulated contexts and interactive web objects in a Mathematics Studies course. The findings indicate aspects of TPK relating to academiclearning time and the transformational mode of the technology were not fully realised in this case study. The implications these has for teacher professional development are discussed.

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To examine differences in sedentary time and bouts during and outside of childcare/school periods, and changes in sedentary time and bouts over 1-year among children who remained in childcare (childcare subsample) and among those who transitioned to school (school transition subsample).

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 It is a reported fact that a high CO2 concentration is a problem in school classrooms. However, the mere reporting of such results stops short of investigating causes; understanding is often missing. Steady-state results are often used in situations where changes occur frequently, such as varying student numbers, opening and closing classroom doors and windows and changing weather conditions. We revisit the mass balance model commonly used to predict or track CO2 concentrations in enclosed spaces as these factors change over time under varying conditions. This has prompted the study in several classrooms of actual air exchange rates, student exhalation rates, room volumes and ventilation design. In these cases, student numbers, room ventilation conditions (open and closed doors), room volume and the CO2 concentration have been recorded throughout the day. By fitting the model equation to the data, unknown parameters such as actual air change rates and CO2 exhalation rates per student can be determined. Having verified that the data can be modelled, we can predict behaviour in other cases such as a realistic rate of CO2 increase. This allows designers to size classrooms and ventilation systems to achieve a desired CO2 characteristic for known usages while saving energy.

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In this paper, we propose a GARCH-based unit root test that is flexible enough to account for; (a) trending variables, (b) two endogenous structural breaks, and (c) heteroskedastic data series. Our proposed model is applied to a range of time-series, trending, and heteroskedastic energy variables. Our two main findings are: first, the proposed trend-based GARCH unit root model outperforms a GARCH model without trend; and, second, allowing for a time trend and two endogenous structural breaks are important in practice, for doing so allows us to reject the unit root null hypothesis.

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Background: Given the rising rates of obesity in children and adolescents, developing evidence-based weight loss or weight maintenance interventions that can be widely disseminated, well implemented, and are highly scalable is a public health necessity. Such interventions should ensure that adolescents establish healthy weight regulation practices while also reducing eating disorder risk.

Objective:
This study describes an online program, StayingFit, which has two tracks for universal and targeted delivery and was designed to enhance healthy living skills, encourage healthy weight regulation, and improve weight/shape concerns among high school adolescents.

Methods:
Ninth grade students in two high schools in the San Francisco Bay area and in St Louis were invited to participate. Students who were overweight (body mass index [BMI] >85th percentile) were offered the weight management track of StayingFit; students who were normal weight were offered the healthy habits track. The 12-session program included a monitored discussion group and interactive self-monitoring logs. Measures completed pre- and post-intervention included self-report height and weight, used to calculate BMI percentile for age and sex and standardized BMI (zBMI), Youth Risk Behavior Survey (YRBS) nutrition data, the Weight Concerns Scale, and the Center for Epidemiological Studies Depression Scale.

Results: A total of 336 students provided informed consent and were included in the analyses. The racial breakdown of the sample was as follows: 46.7% (157/336) multiracial/other, 31.0% (104/336) Caucasian, 16.7% (56/336) African American, and 5.7% (19/336) did not specify; 43.5% (146/336) of students identified as Hispanic/Latino. BMI percentile and zBMI significantly decreased among students in the weight management track. BMI percentile and zBMI did not significantly change among students in the healthy habits track, demonstrating that these students maintained their weight. Weight/shape concerns significantly decreased among participants in both tracks who had elevated weight/shape concerns at baseline. Fruit and vegetable consumption increased for both tracks. Physical activity increased among participants in the weight management track, while soda consumption and television time decreased.

Conclusions: Results suggest that an Internet-based, universally delivered, targeted intervention may support healthy weight regulation, improve weight/shape concerns among participants with eating disorders risk, and increase physical activity in high school students. Tailored content and interactive features to encourage behavior change may lead to sustainable improvements in adolescent health.

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BACKGROUND: There is little empirical evidence of the impact of transition from primary to secondary school on obesity-related risk behaviour. The purpose of this study was to examine the effect of a change of school system on physical activity (PA) and sedentary behaviour in pre-early adolescents. METHODS: Fifteen schools in Victoria, Australia were recruited at random from the bottom two strata of a five level socio-economic scale. In nine schools, students in year 6 primary school transitioned to a different school for year 7 secondary school, while in six schools (combined primary-secondary), students remained in the same school environment from year 6 to year 7. Time 1 (T1) measures were collected from students (N=245) in year 6 (age 11-13). Time 2 (T2) data were collected from 243 (99%) of the original student cohort when in year 7. PA and sedentary behaviour data were collected objectively (via ActiGraph accelerometer) and subjectively (via child self-report recall questionnaire). School environment data were collected via school staff survey. Change of behaviour analyses were conducted longitudinally i) for all students and ii) by change/no change of school. Mixed model regression analysis tested for behavioural interaction effects of changing/not changing school. RESULTS: Sixty-three percent (N=152) changed schools from T1 to T2. Across all students we observed declines in average daily moderate to vigorous physical activity (MVPA) (-4 min) and light PA (-23 min), and increases in average daily sedentary behaviour (16 min), weekday leisure screen time (17 min) and weekday homework screen time (25 min), all P<0.05. Compared to students who remained in the same school environment, students who changed school reported a greater reduction in PA intensity at recess and lunch, less likelihood to cycle to/from school, greater increase in weekday (41 mins) and weekend (45 mins) leisure screen time (P<0.05) and greater encouragement to participate in sport. School staff surveys identified that sport participation encouragement was greater in primary and combined primary-secondary than secondary schools (P<0.05). CONCLUSION: Transitioning from primary to secondary school negatively impacts on children's PA and sedentary behaviour, and has further compounding effects on behaviour type by changing school environments.

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BACKGROUND: There is a paucity of studies evaluating targeted obesity prevention interventions in pre-school children. OBJECTIVES: We conducted a randomized controlled trial to evaluate the efficacy of a parent-based obesity prevention intervention for pre-schoolers - MEND (Mind, Exercise, Nutrition … Do It!) 2-4 on child diet, eating habits, physical activity/sedentary behaviours, and body mass index (BMI). METHODS: Parent-child dyads attended 10 weekly 90-min workshops relating to nutrition, physical activity and behaviours, including guided active play and healthy snack time. Assessments were conducted at baseline, immediately post-intervention, and 6 and 12 months post-intervention; child intake of vegetables, fruit, beverages, processed snack foods, fussiness, satiety responsiveness, physical activity, sedentary behaviour and neophobia were assessed via parent proxy report. Parent and child height and weight were measured. RESULTS: Two hundred one parent-child dyads were randomized to intervention (n = 104) and control (n = 97). Baseline mean child age was 2.7 (standard deviation [SD] 0.6) years, and child BMI-for-age z-score (World Health Organization) was 0.66 (SD 0.88). We found significant positive group effects for vegetable (P = 0.01) and snack food (P = 0.03) intake, and satiety responsiveness (P = 0.047) immediately post-intervention. At 12 months follow-up, intervention children exhibited less neophobia (P = 0.03) than controls. CONCLUSION: Future research should focus on additional strategies to support parents to continue positive behaviour change. ACTRN12610000200088.

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BACKGROUND: This research examined the influence of sit-to-stand desks on classroom sitting time in primary school children. METHODS: Pilot controlled trials with similar intervention strategies were conducted in primary schools in Melbourne, Australia, and Bradford, UK. Sit-to-stand desks replaced all standard desks in the Australian intervention classroom. Six sit-to-stand desks replaced a bank of standard desks in the UK intervention classroom. Children were exposed to the sit-to-stand desks for 9-10 weeks. Control classrooms retained their normal seated desks. Classroom sitting time was measured at baseline and follow-up using the activPAL3 inclinometer. RESULTS: Thirty UK and 44 Australian children provided valid activPAL data at baseline and follow-up. The proportion of time spent sitting in class decreased significantly at follow-up in both intervention groups (UK: -9.8 ± 16.5% [-52.4 ± 66.6 min/day]; Australian: -9.4 ± 10% [-43.7 ± 29.9 min/day]). No significant changes in classroom sitting time were observed in the UK control group, while a significant reduction was observed in the Australian control group (-5.9 ± 11.7% [-28.2 ± 28.3 min/day]). CONCLUSIONS: Irrespective of implementation, incorporating sit-to-stand desks into classrooms appears to be an effective way of reducing classroom sitting in this diverse sample of children. Longer term efficacy trials are needed to determine effects on children's health and learning.

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There are currently no studies available reporting intervention effects on breaking up children's sedentary time. This study examined the UP4FUN intervention effect on objectively measured number of breaks in sedentary time, number of sedentary bouts (≥ 10 mins) and total and average amount of time spent in those sedentary bouts among 10- to 12-year-old Belgian children. The total sample included 354 children (mean age: 10.9 ± 0.7 years; 59% girls) with valid ActiGraph accelerometer data at pre- and posttest. Only few and small intervention effects were found, namely on total time spent in sedentary bouts immediately after school hours (4-6PM; β = -3.51mins) and on average time spent in sedentary bouts before school hours (6-8.30AM; β = -4.83mins) and immediately after school hours in favor of children from intervention schools (β = -2.71mins). Unexpectedly, girls from intervention schools decreased the number of breaks during school hours (8.30AM-4PM; β = -23.45breaks) and increased the number of sedentary bouts on a weekend day (β = +0.90bouts), whereas girls in control schools showed an increase in number of breaks and a decrease in number of bouts. In conclusion, UP4FUN did not have a consistent or substantial effect on breaking up children's sedentary time and these data suggest that more intensive and longer lasting interventions are needed.

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Educational campaigning has received little attention in the literature. This study investigates long-term and organised urban campaigns that are collectively lobbying the Victorian State Government in Australia, for a new public high school to be constructed in their suburb. A public high school is also known as a state school, government school, or an ordinary comprehensive school. It receives the majority of its funding from the State and Federal Australian Government, and is generally regarded as ‘free’ education, in comparison to a private school. Whilst the campaigners frame their requests as for a ‘public school’, their primary appeal is for a local school in their community. This study questions how collective campaigning for a locale-specific public school is influenced by geography, class and identity. In order to explore these campaigns, I draw on formative studies of middle-class school choice from an Australian and United Kingdom perspective (Campbell, Proctor, & Sherington, 2009; Reay, Crozier, & James, 2011). To think about the role of geography and space in these processes of choice, I look to apply Harvey’s (1973) theory of absolute, relational and relative space. I use Bourdieu (1999b) as a sociological lens that is attentive to “site effects” and it is through this lens that I think about class as a “collection of properties” (Bourdieu, 1984, p. 106), actualised via mechanisms of identity and representation (Hall, 1996; Rose, 1996a, 1996b). This study redresses three distinct gaps in the literature: first, I focus attention on a contemporary middle-class choice strategy—that is, collective campaigning for a public school. Research within this field is significantly under-developed, despite this choice strategy being on the rise. Second, previous research argues that certain middle-class choosers regard the local public school as “inferior” in some way (Reay, et al., 2011, p. 111), merely acting as a “safety net” (Campbell, et al., 2009, p. 5) and connected to the working-class chooser (Reay & Ball, 1997). The campaigners are characteristic of the middle-class school chooser, but they are purposefully and strategically seeking out the local public school. Therefore, this study looks to build on work by Reay, et al. (2011) in thinking about “against-the-grain school choice”, specifically within the Australian context. Third, this study uses visual and graphic methods in order to examine the influence of geography in the education market (Taylor, 2001). I see the visualisation of space and schooling that I offer in this dissertation as a key theoretical contribution of this study. I draw on a number of data sets, both qualitative and quantitative, to explore the research questions. I interviewed campaigners and attended campaign meetings as participant observer; I collected statistical data from fifteen different suburbs and schools, and conducted comparative analyses of each. These analyses are displayed by using visual graphs. This study uses maps created by a professional graphic designer and photographs by a professional photographer; I draw on publications by the campaigners themselves, such as surveys, reports and social media; but also, interviews with campaigners that are published in local or state newspapers. The multiple data sets enable an immersive and rich graphic ethnography. This study contributes by building on understandings of how particular sociological cohorts of choosers are engaging with, and choosing, the urban public school in Australia. It is relevant for policy making, in that it comes at a time of increasing privatisation and a move toward independent public schools. This study identifies cohorts of choosers that are employing individual and collective political strategies to obtain a specific school, and it identifies this cohort via explicit class-based characteristics and their school choice behaviours. I look to use fresh theoretical and methodological approaches that emphasise space and geography, theorising geo-identity and the pseudo-private school

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Students look forward to summer because usually it means a break from formal and non-formal education. Formal education refers to education in formal educational institutions, such as pre-schools, primary, secondary and tertiary educational institutions and other registered training organisations. Non-formal education refers to organised educational activity outside the established formal system, that is intended to deliver a defined set of learning objectives to an identifiable group of learners (Chemistry in Australia, October 2014, page 33). Informal education refers to all learning outside the formal non-formal educational system; informal education is often associated with life-long learning as it can include reading non-fiction books and scholarly articles, viewing documentaries and other informal professional development. Informal education can also include travel to other countries and climates. Social constructivist theory maintains that learning occurs in social settings; conversely, most learners are limited by their cultural experiences. For example, Australian students have little first-hand experience of sublimation, but this is commonly observed in very cold climates when frost, ice or snow apparently “disappears” as it sublimes to water vapour, without passing through the liquid state. A favourite summertime activity is to go to the movies, especially in air-conditioned cinemas on a hot day or night. Watching movies are a form of virtual travel, and many educators make use of movies to illustrate chemistry concepts. Some movie producers want a sense of authenticity and work hard to get the details right, even though those details might be incidental to the main plot. For example, in Centurion, Roman soldiers fail in their rescue attempt, and are taunted by the Picts for stupidity -- they would have succeeded if they had only realised that metal become brittle in the cold. Another favourite example comes from The Lord of the Rings: The Two Towers, when Bilbo, Samwise and Gollum are crossing the Dead Marshes and see lights that appear to float over the Marshes. These wills-o-the-wisp have been known for centuries, and was the subject of a debate between George Washington and his officers. Washington and Thomas Paine, “the Father of the American Revolution”, believed that the lights were due to a flammable gas released from the marsh, while Washington’s officers believed that the lights were due to a flammable liquid on the surface of the marsh. On Guy Fawkes Night, 5 November, 1783, the Washington-Paine experiment showed that when mud at the bottom of a river was disturbed, bubbles of flammable gas rose to the surface of the water. (Unknown to Washington and Paine, Alessandro Volta had performed a similar experiment in 1776.) A problem with informal education is that it is often unguided. Students may find it difficult to discern the difference between scientific reality and an artistic distortion of reality in novels and movies. Educators have an important role here. If we only teach facts and concepts, learners will be dependent on a teacher. If however, we foster students’ curiosity and ability to exercise judgement, they will be able to learn for themselves, not just during the summer, but also in every season of every year.

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INTRODUCTION: Environments that facilitate energy-dense, nutrient-poor diets are associated with childhood obesity. We examined the effect of a change of school environment on the prevalence of obesity and related dietary behavior in early adolescence. METHODS: Fifteen schools in Victoria, Australia, were recruited at random from the bottom 2 strata of a 5-level socioeconomic scale. In 9 schools, students in grade 6 primary school transitioned to different schools for grade 7 secondary school, whereas in 6 schools, students remained in the same school from grade 6 to grade 7. Time 1 measures were collected from students (N = 245) in grade 6 (aged 11-13 y). Time 2 data were collected from 243 (99%) of the original cohort in grade 7. Data collected were dietary recall self-reported by students via questionnaire, measured height and weight of students, and aspects of the school food environment via school staff survey. Comparative and mixed model regression analyses were conducted. RESULTS: Of 243 students, 63% (n = 152) changed schools from time 1 to time 2, with no significant difference in weight status. Students who changed schools reported an increase in purchases of after-school snack food, greater sweetened beverage intake, fewer fruit-and-vegetable classroom breaks, and less encouragement for healthy eating compared with students who remained in the same school. School staff surveys showed that more primary than secondary schools had written healthy canteen policies and fewer days of canteen or food services operation. CONCLUSION: A change of school environment has negative effects on children's obesity-related dietary behavior. Consistent policy is needed across school types to support healthy eating in school environments.

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Objectives: Children’s after-school physical activity (PA) and sedentary behaviours (SB) are not well understood, despite the potential this period holds for intervention. This study aimed to describe children’s after-school physical activity and sedentary behaviours; establish the contribution this makes to daily participation and to achieving physical activity and sedentary behaviours guidelines; and to determine the association between after-school moderate- to vigorous-intensity physical activity (MVPA), screen-based sedentary behaviours and achieving the physical activity and sedentary behaviour guidelines.Methods: Children (n=406, mean age 8.1 years, 58% girls) wore an ActiGraph GT3X accelerometer. The percentage of time and minutes spent sedentary (SED), in light- physical activity (LPA) and MVPA between the end-of-school and 6pm (weekdays) was calculated. Parents (n=318, 40 years, 89% female) proxy-reported their child’s after-school participation in screen-based sedentary behaviours. The contribution that after-school SED, LPA, MVPA, and screen-based sedentary behaviours made to daily levels, and that after-school MVPA and screen-based sedentary behaviours made to achieving the physical activity/sedentary behaviour guidelines was calculated. Regression analysis determined the association between after-school MVPA and screen-based sedentary behaviours and achieving the physical activity/sedentary behaviours guidelines.Results: Children spent 54% of the after-school period SED and this accounted for 21% of children’s daily SED levels. Boys spent a greater percentage of time in MVPA than girls (14.9% vs. 13.6%; p<0.05) but this made a smaller contribution to their daily levels (27.6% vs 29.8%; p<0.05). After school, boys and girls respectively performed 18.8 minutes and 16.7 minutes of MVPA which is 31.4% and 27.8% of the MVPA (p<0.05) required to achieve the physical activity guidelines. Children spent 96 minutes in screen-based sedentary behaviours, contributing to 84% of their daily screen-based sedentary behaviours and 80% of the sedentary behaviour guidelines. After-school MVPA was positively associated with achieving the physical activity guidelines (OR: 1.31, 95%CI 1.18, 1.44, p<0.05) and after-school screen-based sedentary behaviours was negatively associated with achieving the sedentary behaviours guidelines (OR: 0.97, 95%CI: 0.96, 0.97, p<0.05).Conclusions: The after-school period plays a critical role in the accumulation of children’s physical activity and sedentary behaviours. Small changes to after school behaviours can have large impacts on children’s daily behaviours levels and likelihood of meeting the recommended levels of physical activity and sedentary behaviour. Therefore interventions should target reducing after-school sedentary behaviours and increasing physical activity.

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Among the research, practice and socio-legal commentary on the substantial sharing of parenting time after separation, children’s voices about their experiences remain overwhelmingly silent. This article draws on findings of a descriptive phenomenological study which investigated Australian school-aged (8- to 12-year-old) children’s descriptions of two binary phenomena: security and contentment in shared time arrangements, and the absence of security and contentment in shared time parenting. Specifically, this article focuses on exploring parental behaviours and interactions recognised by children as sources of security in shared time lifestyles, through happy and needy times. Central to this is the juxtaposition of the child’s experience of security and shared enjoyment with the present parent, against the absence of security emanating from unresolved longing for the ‘absent’ parent. The article provides an empirically derived formulation of children’s advice to parents about shared time parenting, with relevance for family law related parent education forums.