963 resultados para green political economy


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Mexico and the European Union signed a new Political and Economic Association Agreement in December 1997 and ultimately a free-trade agreement in March 2000, aiming to establish a new model of relations with a more dynamic trade and investment component. This article analyzes the 1997 agreement as background to the final accord. Economic and political changes in the 1990s modified both parties' participation in the international political economy, helping to overcome some of the structural obstacles to the relationship. The policy toward Latin America adopted by the EU in 1994 was influential. The negotiation process revealed divergences over the scope of the liberalization process and the so-called democracy clause.

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The first author would like to thank the University of Aberdeen and the Henderson Economics Research Fund for funding his PhD studies in the period 2011-2014 which formed the basis for the research presented in this paper.

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Barnes-Krekel Hall was named for the Honorable Arnold Krekel, Judge of U.S. District Court, and also a member of the Lincoln Institutes' Board of Curators as well as a lecturer on Civil Government and Political Economy. The Barnes part of the name was for Howard Barnes, also member of the Board of Curators at Lincoln. This three story brick building served as the first housing for young women. The first part of the building was occupied in 1882 and second part of the building was constructed after 1902. The building was later tore down.

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Over the last two decades social vulnerability has emerged as a major area of study, with increasing attention to the study of vulnerable populations. Generally, the elderly are among the most vulnerable members of any society, and widespread population aging has led to greater focus on elderly vulnerability. However, the absence of a valid and practical measure constrains the ability of policy-makers to address this issue in a comprehensive way. This study developed a composite indicator, The Elderly Social Vulnerability Index (ESVI), and used it to undertake a comparative analysis of the availability of support for elderly Jamaicans based on their access to human, material and social resources. The results of the ESVI indicated that while the elderly are more vulnerable overall, certain segments of the population appear to be at greater risk. Females had consistently lower scores than males, and the oldest-old had the highest scores of all groups of older persons. Vulnerability scores also varied according to place of residence, with more rural parishes having higher scores than their urban counterparts. These findings support the political economy framework which locates disadvantage in old age within political and ideological structures. The findings also point to the pervasiveness and persistence of gender inequality as argued by feminist theories of aging. Based on the results of the study it is clear that there is a need for policies that target specific population segments, in addition to universal policies that could make the experience of old age less challenging for the majority of older persons. Overall, the ESVI has displayed usefulness as a tool for theoretical analysis and demonstrated its potential as a policy instrument to assist decision-makers in determining where to target their efforts as they seek to address the issue of social vulnerability in old age. Data for this study came from the 2001 population and housing census of Jamaica, with multiple imputation for missing data. The index was derived from the linear aggregation of three equally weighted domains, comprised of eleven unweighted indicators which were normalized using z-scores. Indicators were selected based on theoretical relevance and data availability.

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The purpose of this research is to study the commercialization of Fairtrade and Organic coffee in the Bolivia. Fairtrade and Organic coffee are alternative trade systems designed to promote the equitable and environmentally sustainable production of coffee. However, these alternative trading systems often fail to meet these goals. The producers and environment these systems are intended to protect remain marginalized. These failures are due to a number of local institutions. In order to better understand these institutions, this research conducted interviews of various stakeholders including producers, cooperative leaders, organic/Fair Trade certifiers, government agencies and private buyers. All these stakeholders influence the success of the alternative trade systems. By better understanding how these stakeholders impact the commercialization of coffee in Bolivia; new policies can be develop to improve the outcomes of alternative trade, to benefit both producers and the environment. This is especially critical in Bolivia because of the environmentally sensitive area in which coffee is grown, the potentially damaging impact of coca on the region and, the devastating economic impact to farmers.

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This research explores whether civil society organizations (CSOs) can contribute to more effectively regulating the working conditions of temporary migrant farmworkers in North America. This dissertation unfolds in five parts. The first part of the dissertation sets out the background context. The context includes the political economy of agriculture and temporary migrant labour more broadly. It also includes the political economy of the legal regulations that govern immigration and work relations. The second part of the research builds an analytical model for studying the operation of CSOs active in working with the migrant farmworker population. The purpose of the analytical framework is to make sense of real-world examples by providing categories for analysis and a means to get at the channels of influence that CSOs utilize to achieve their aims. To this end, the model incorporates the insights from three significant bodies of literature—regulatory studies, labour studies, and economic sociology. The third part of the dissertation suggests some key strategic issues that CSOs should consider when intervening to assist migrant farmworkers, and also proposes a series of hypotheses about how CSOs can participate in the regulatory process. The fourth part probes and extends these hypotheses by empirically investigating the operation of three CSOs that are currently active in assisting migrant farm workers in North America: the Agricultural Workers Alliance (Canada), Global Workers’ Justice Alliance (USA), and the Coalition of Immokalee Workers (USA). The fifth and final part draws together lessons from the empirical work and concluded that CSOs can fill gaps left by the waning power of actors, such as trade unions and labour inspectorates, as well as act in ways that these traditional actors can not.

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Recently, resilience has become a catchall solution for some of the world’s most pressing ecological, economic and social problems. This dissertation analyzes the cultural politics of resilience in Kingston, Jamaica by examining them through their purported universal principles of adaptation and flexibility. On the one hand, mainstream development regimes conceptualize resilience as a necessary and positive attribute of economies, societies and cultures if we are to survive any number of disasters or disturbances. Therefore, in Jamaican cultural and development policy resilience is championed as both a means and an end of development. On the other hand, critics of resilience see the new rollout of resilience projects as deepening neoliberalism, capitalism and new forms of governmentality because resilience projects provide the terrain for new forms of securitization and surveillance practices. These scholars argue that resilience often forecloses the possibilities to resist that which threatens us. However, rather than dismissing resilience as solely a sign of domination and governmentality, this dissertation argues that resilience must be understood as much more ambiguous and complex, rather than within binaries such as subversion vs. neoliberal and resistance vs. resilience. Overly simplistic dualities of this nature have been the dominant approach in the scholarship thus far. This dissertation provides a close analysis of resilience in both multilateral and Jamaican government policy documents, while exploring the historical and contemporary production of resilience in the lives of marginalized populations. Through three sites within Kingston, Jamaica—namely dancehall and street dances, WMW-Jamaica and the activist platform SO((U))L HQ—this dissertation demonstrates that “resilience” is best understood as an ambiguous site of power negotiations, social reproduction and survival in Jamaica today. It is often precisely this ambiguous power of ordinary resilience that is capitalized on and exploited to the detriment of vulnerable groups. At once demonstrating creative negotiation and reproduction of colonial capitalist social relations within the realms of NGO, activist work and cultural production, this dissertation demonstrates the complexity of resilience. Ultimately, this dissertation draws attention to the importance of studying spaces of cultural production in order to understand the power and limits of contemporary policy discourses and political economy

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The reform of cities spaces and housing has been a key issue with campaigners on the left for more than a century. These campaigns have found allies in the work of socially committed photographers from Jacob Riis at the turn of the twentieth century to Margaret Morton and Camilo Jose Vergara today. Globally the current phase of neo-liberalism has brought its own issues to the city as ‘regeneration’ strategies dispossess the urban poor in areas that are potentially lucrative to real estate development. In this process known as ‘accumulation by dispossession’ large profits are accumulated in the process of dispossessing people of their land, rights and homes. Central to the theoretical component of this paper, is an interrogation of contemporary ideas on the production and photographic representation of urban space. The research hence questions photography’s ability to make ‘legible’ the key drivers of today’s emergent terrains and to visualize their connections to the networks of power and capital that articulate the current political economy (Sassen 2011:36). One strand here will be the ‘fleshing out’ of the cultural practices behind photographers mediating urban development (Jones 2013: 1.2). Alongside current corporate depictions historical precedents will be discussed. Photographers as far back as Charles Marville in Paris of the 1850’s have documented urban reconstruction (Kennel 2013). Often employed by those undertaking the demolition, these photographic images frequently suppress certain narratives of the unbuilding process. Acting as a propaganda tool they eliminate the impact on the lives of inhabitants or the economic realities driving the valorization of reconstruction schemes (James 2004). Reformist documentary images have also played their part in justifying large-scale urban reconstruction that involved the eventual displacement of existing communities (Rose 1997: Blaikie 2006). Focusing on the gentrification of social housing in Pendleton, Salford (Greater Manchester) the presentation will explore the artists’ own work through a critical discussion, photographic images and excerpts from site writing they’ve undertaken in the area since 2004. It asks can an alternative photographic and visual strategy provide a meaningful political counter narrative to combat persuasive corporate discourses on ‘urban revitalization’? The paper will explore strategies and techniques of witnessing and ask whether these types of record can counter neo-liberal visualizations that mediate the material transformation of city areas. Can such representations begin a critical conversation about the nature of urban change and who benefits from these transformations (Wyly 2010)? Can we develop this critical photography into a type of practice that moves beyond generalisations and talks about social relations though an ‘explicit analysis of society’ (Rosler 2004:195).

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Smart cities, cities that are supported by an extensive digital infrastructure of sensors, databases and intelligent applications, have become a major area of academic, governmental and public interest. Simultaneously, there has been a growing interest in open data, the unrestricted use of organizational data for public viewing and use. Drawing on Science and Technology Studies (STS), Urban Studies and Political Economy, this thesis examines how digital processes, open data and the physical world can be combined in smart city development, through the qualitative interview-based case study of a Southern Ontario Municipality, Anytown. The thesis asks what are the challenges associated with smart city development and open data proliferation, is open data complimentary to smart urban development; and how is expertise constructed in these fields? The thesis concludes that smart city development in Anytown is a complex process, involving a variety of visions, programs and components. Although smart city and open data initiatives exist in Anytown, and some are even overlapping and complementary, smart city development is in its infancy. However, expert informants remained optimistic, faithful to a technologically sublime vision of what a smart city would bring. The thesis also questions the notion of expertise within the context of smart city and open data projects, concluding that assertions of expertise need to be treated with caution and scepticism when considering how knowledge is received, generated, interpreted and circulates, within organizations.

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This dissertation examines a process of indigenous accumulation among Tonga farmers in Zambia’s Southern Province. In the 1970s multiple authors concluded that capitalist farmers had emerged among Tonga agro-pastoralists, predominantly within private titled holdings. Relying on archival research, newspapers, secondary sources and extensive oral testimony this thesis fills a 35-year gap on the topic, providing insights into the social and environmental impacts of neoliberal policy among African peasants and capitalist farmers. In contrast to dominant narratives of the post-independence period, this study argues that Zambia did experience a developmental process post-independence, which saw significant achievements made in the agricultural sector, including the doubling of national cattle stocks. The data reveals a painful process of disarticulation beginning in the late 1980s. Following neoliberal adjustment, we observe significant heterogeneity in production systems, some regional specialization, and processes of migration. Most importantly, the thesis uncovers processes of overwhelming ecosystemic change that contributed to livestock epidemics of severe scale and scope. Amazingly, this went largely undocumented because of the simultaneous crisis of the state, which left the national statistics office and other state bodies incapable of functioning from the late 1980s into the 2000s. In response, the Zambian state has introduced a number of neodevelopmental initiatives in the sector, yet the lack of animal traction remained up to 2008 and agricultural production declined, while more capitalized farmers (largely white, and/or with foreign direct investment) have become more significant players in the country. This thesis provides compelling evidence to challenge dominant economic thinking of the Washington institutions as well as many of the common Marxian formulations.

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Fostering the emergence of a "European identity" was one of the declared goals of the euro adoption. Now, years after the physical introduction of the common currency, we assess whether there has been an effect on a shared European identity. We use two different datasets in order to assess the impact of the euro adoption on the fostering of a self-declared "European Identity". We find that the effect of the euro is statistically insignificant although it is precisely estimated. This result holds important implications for European policy makers. It also sheds new light on the formation of social identities.

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Thee rise of computing and the internet have brought about an ethical eld of studies that some term information ethics, computer ethics, digital media ethics, or internet ethics e aim of this contribution is to discuss information ethics’ foundations in the context of the internet’s political economy e chapter rst looks to ground the analysis in a comparison of two information ethics approaches, namely those outlined by Rafael Capurro and Luciano Floridi It then develops, based on these foundations, analyses of the information ethical dimensions of two important areas of social media: one concerns the framing of social media by a surveillance-industrial complex in the context of Edward Snowden’s revelations and the other deals with issues of digital labour processes and issues of class that arises in this context e contribution asks ethical questions about these two phenomena that bring up issues of power, exploitation, and control in the information age It asks if, and if so, how, the approaches of Capurro and Floridi can help us to understand ethico-political aspects of the surveillance-industrial complex and digital labour

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This article is a rejoinder to Murdock and Golding’s response to my critique of the political economy of communications (PEC) analysis of media production (see Author 2015). This article sets this exchange in the context of a broader debate in recent editions of Media, Culture & Society (Garnham 2016, Fuchs, 2016) about the value of PEC. Much of this debate stems from Garnham’s (2011) critical review of 40 years of PEC research.