971 resultados para Théorie du roman


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This paper explores the production, destruction, and reproduction of the geopolitical spaces of Roman law in order to offer an analysis of Schmitt’s (selective) notion of Jus Publicum Europaeum and its relevance to the current “depoliticization” and “dejuridification” of the world. By adopting a historical and geopolitical approach that reaches the boundaries of legal systemology and political theology, the present contribution investigates the manipulative and instrumentalist use of the material object of Rome’s (universalist) competence, namely the “territory” as dominium of its political intervention, which was ultimately (and idealistically) aimed at avoiding the natural destiny of any living being: birth, maturity, and death. Attention is therefore paid to the Roman strategy of (ontological?) contamination of its mythical identity through the legal and sociopolitical administration and regulation of its geographical spaces in terms of (non-)cultural signification. Through the analysis of such concepts as “nomos,” “Großraum,” “Ortung,” and “Ordnung,” it is claimed that Schmitt voluntarily chose to identify the Jus Publicum Europaeum with the geopolitical order produced during the Age of Discovery and not with the “comprehensive” Roman spatial order. The reason for this choice may be identified in the distortive use of Rome’s social relations and political allegiances that lay at the core of its genealogical expansionism (and subsequent inevitable dissolution) since the conquest of Veius in 396 BC and the historical compromise between patrician nobility and plebeians in 367 BC.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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On November 14, 2013, the 100th anniversary of the publication of Swann’s Way will be celebrated. This first volume was to become the most prominent work by Marcel Proust, In Search of Lost Time. This essay aims at analyzing the presence of Stendhal’s love theory in this first novel, examining on the way Proust’s unfinished work, Jean Santeuil, considered here as a kind of pre-text of In Search of Lost Time.

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L’objet de ce travail est la description des interactions phonologiques et morphologiques en soninké à l’exemple du dialecte parlé à Bakel (Sénégal). La description a donné lieu à des adaptations de la théorie substantive utilisée, celle de la rection. La définition des éléments a été revue et l’inventaire augmenté de telle manière à refléter le système du soninké. En plus d’un inventaire d’éléments soniques, un inventaire d’éléments tonals aégalement été proposé. L’étude morphologique repose sur une conception détaillée de la structure sémantique et des schèmes d’énonciation pertinents pour l’identification des classes syntaxiques de lexèmes. Les différents types de sémèmes et leur association avec les deux catégorèmes disponibles ont été le préalable à l’identification des morphèmes et à l’établissement de séquences licites sémantiques et morphémiques.

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Diese Ausarbeitung zeigt Strukturen des menschlichen Miteinander im Rahmen einer systematisch-komparatistischen Annäherung ´auf dem Weg zum Anderen´ vor dem Hintergrund von Musils Roman ´Der Mann ohne Eigenschaften´ auf; sie verweist auf die Gefahren des zunehmend selbstzentrierten Identitätsdenkens, indem sie mit Blick auf den Anfang des 20. Jahrhunderts eine Auswahl philosophischer Denker aus dieser Zeit auf Grundlage einer poetischen Orientierung in ein Gespräch geführt, das damals in Wirklichkeit leider nicht stattgefunden hat: Ulrich, der Protagonist des Romans, übernimmt in dieser Ausarbeitung neben der poetisch-orientierenden Funktion die Rolle des Begleiters; er leitet den Leser durch die Arbeit und verbindet ´auf dem Weg zum Anderen´ philosophische Richtungen mit Musils Roman. Mit der Metapher vom ´Konflikt der beiden Bäume´, den Ulrich in sich bemerkt, beginnt der ´Weg zum Anderen´: Unter beiden Bäumen wird menschlichem Miteinander nachgespürt,indem phänomenologische Ansätze dargestellt, analysiert und komparatistisch betrachtet werden. Der ´Baum des harten Gewirrs´ steht für distanziertes Erkennen; Husserls Intentionalität und Intersubjektivität führen in ein ´Konzert einsamer Monaden´. Der ´Baum der Schatten und Träume´ - repräsentiert durch Klages - steht für verschmelzend mystisch-pathisches Erleben, das Menschen ebenfalls isoliert. Eine Verbindung der beiden Bäume erfolgt in der ´Begegnung zwischen den Bäumen´ im menschlichen Miteinander von Ulrich und seiner Schwester Agathe; hier gedeiht – um im Bild zu bleiben – der ´Baum des Lebens´ auf dem Boden der ´Notwendigkeit des Du für das Ich´. Dieser Baum wird vorgestellt hinsichtlich seiner Verwurzelung: Ansätze Feuerbachs, Diltheys und Plessners verweisen auf Gemeinschaftlichkeit, Geschichtlichkeit und Exzentrizität des Menschen. Daran schließt sich die Analyse der Struktur des Baumes an: Hier verweist Löwiths Ansatz auf die im Menschen angelegte ontologisch-konstitutionelle Zweideutigkeit. In der Krone des ´Lebensbaumes´ suchen die Dialogiker Buber, Rosenzweig und Rosenstock-Huessy nach Gleichursprünglichkeit in der ´Sphäre des Zwischen´ und beschreiten den Weg von der Menschwerdung in der ´Sphäre des Zwischen´ zu einer gelebten voraussetzungsvollen Mitmenschlichkeit im Horizont gesprochener Sprache. Komparatistische Betrachtungen offenbaren divergierende Tendenzen, die im Resümee verdichtet aufgezeigt werden: Unter philosophisch-inhaltlichem Aspekt wird dargestellt, warum Menschen ´unter beiden Bäumen´ in einsamer Beschränktheit und Endlichkeit verharren, während sie in ´Begegnung zwischen den Bäumen´ - im menschlichen Miteinander - Freiheit und Unendlichkeit erlangen: ´Haltung versus Eingebundenheit´ entscheidet über isoliertes oder gelingendes Leben. Unter philosophisch-kulturwissenschaftlichem Aspekt werden Spuren in Musils Roman ´Der Mann ohne Eigenschaften´ aufgedeckt, die vermuten lassen, Musil habe über seinen Roman Dialogisches Denken ´inkognito´ vermitteln wollen; die darin erweckte Sehnsucht nach menschlichem Miteinander gilt es, im Leben zu verantworten – zwischen Menschen, konkret und immer wieder...

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Connus sous le nom populaire de palafittes, les habitats préhistoriques construits sur les rives des lacs subalpins du Néolithique à l’aube de l’âge du Fer (entre 5300 et 700 av. J.-C.) offrent des informations exceptionnelles sur l’évolution culturelle d’une importante région européenne, grâce à la préservation remarquable des matériaux organiques, en particulier du bois. À partir de la deuxième moitié du XXe siècle, le perfectionnement des techniques de fouille subaquatiques et de la dendrochronologie permettront la construction d’un schéma chronologique précis pour l’Europe nord-alpine. Les recherches contribueront à des observations d’ordre écologique à l’échelle locale et régionale et à l’identification des rythmes de développement des villages. Sous l’égide de l'UNESCO, les années 2010 verront la constitution d’un inventaire vaste et uniforme des sites préhistoriques des lacs circumalpins, classés Patrimoine culturel mondial en juin 2011. De nombreux objets préhistoriques, romains et médiévaux ont été découverts entre 2003 et 2010, au Schnidejoch, un col des Alpes bernoises occidentales à 2756 m d’altitude, à la frontière entre les cantons de Berne et du Valais. Les hautes températures de l'été 2003 ont provoqué la fonte d'un petit champ de glace et mis en lumière les vestiges. Les recherches ont été programmées à la suite d’une série d’informations fournies par des randonneurs. Les objets en matière organique (bois, écorce de bouleau, cuir, fibres végétales) revêtent une très grande importance car ils ont permis l’obtention de plus d’une cinquantaine de datations radiocarbone ; elles indiquent le passage du col entre la moitié du Ve millénaire av. J.-C. et l’année 1000 de notre ère. En outre, les séries de datations suggèrent l’alternance de périodes de praticabilité et d’inaccessibilité du col. Le Schnidejoch est actuellement le plus ancien témoignage de la traversée des Alpes, reliant l‘Oberland bernois par les vallées de la Simme et du Rhône.

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Milan Kundera, an intellectual born in Moravia who emigrated to France in 1975, in L’Ignorance leans on the myth of Ulysses to question contemporary realities of exile and return, nostalgia and oblivion. Does the hope of returning to the place of origin really haunt the modern émigré? To what extent does the notion of homeland still have meaning for him? And what happens when the émigré, unlike Ulysses the great nostalgic, prefers to stay with Calypso his lover rather than return to his native land and faithful wife Penelope? With some cynicism, Kundera in L’Ignorance offers scenarios of exile which desecrate and destabilize historically and culturally available standards while allowing us to reflect on new paradigmatic figures of contemporary exile.

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Vorbesitzer: du Roullet

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Dans cet article, nous proposons d’appliquer une analyse des connecteurs pragmatiques issue de la théorie de la pertinence au traitement automatique des langues naturelles (TALN). Nous commencerons par montrer les conséquences de l’application de la théorie de la pertinence sur l’étude des connecteurs, en prenant pour exemple les connecteurs de l’anglais. Dans un deuxième temps, nous exposerons les contraintes imposées par les limites actuelles du TALN. Enfin, nous proposerons un schéma d’étude des connecteurs pragmatiques pour le TALN ainsi qu’une esquisse d’application de cette méthode.

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Cet ouvrage propose une lecture radicalement nouvelle de la pensée saussurienne, fondée sur la reconnaissance de la distinction entre langue et idiome instaurée par la théorie saussurienne de la langue. Cette distinction, qui a été recouverte par l'ensemble de la linguistique postsaussurienne, ouvre l'espace du langage comme espace de théorisation. Une lecture qui donne lieu à une reconsidération des rapports entre linguistique et psychanalyse ainsi que de la question de la neurolinguistique.

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Inervention dans le cadre du séminaire «Pouvoir, DesExil, Convertibilité. La pensée à l’épreuve du conformisme, de l’incertitude, de la création», Séminaire co-organisé par Valeria Wagner, Université de Genève(UNIGE) et Marie-Claire Caloz-Tschopp, Collège International de Philosophie (CIPh), Université de Genève et Théâtre du Loup, 23 avril 2015.

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How do sportspeople succeed in a non-collaborative game? An illustration of a perverse side effect of altruism Are team sports specialists predisposed to collaboration? The scientific literature on this topic is divided. The present article attempts to end this debate by applying experimental game theory. We constituted three groups of volunteers (all students aged around 20): 25 team sports specialists; 23 individual sports specialists (gymnasts, track & field athletes and swimmers) and a control group of 24 non-sportspeople. Each subgroup was divided into 3 teams that played against each other in turn (and not against teams from other subgroups). The teams played a game based on the well-known Prisoner's Dilemma (Tucker, 1950) - the paradoxical "Bluegill Sunbass Game" (Binmore, 1999) with three Nash equilibria (two suboptimal equilibria with a pure strategy and an optimal equilibrium with a mixed, egotistical strategy (p= 1/2)). This game also features a Harsanyi equilibrium (based on constant compliance with a moral code and altruism by empathy: "do not unto others that which you would not have them do unto you"). How, then, was the game played? Two teams of 8 competed on a handball court. Each team wore a distinctive jersey. The game lasted 15 minutes and the players were allowed to touch the handball ball with their feet or hands. After each goal, each team had to return to its own half of the court. Players were allowed to score in either goal and thus cooperate with their teammates or not, as they saw fit. A goal against the nominally opposing team (a "guardian" strategy, by analogy with the Bluegill Sunbass Game) earned a point for everyone in the team. For an own goal (a "sneaker" strategy), only the scorer earned a point - hence the paradox. If all the members of a team work together to score a goal, everyone is happy (the Harsanyi solution). However, the situation was not balanced in the Nashian sense: each player had a reason to be disloyal to his/her team at the merest opportunity. But if everyone adopts a "sneaker" strategy, the game becomes a free-for-all and the chances of scoring become much slimmer. In a context in which doubt reigns as to the honesty of team members and "legal betrayals", what type of sportsperson will score the most goals? By analogy with the Bluegill Sunbass Game, we recorded direct motor interactions (passes and shots) based on either a "guardian" tactic (i.e. collaboration within the team) or a "sneaker" tactic (shots and passes against the player's designated team). So, was the group of team sports specialist more collaborative than the other two groups? The answer was no. A statistical analysis (difference from chance in a logistic regression) enabled us to draw three conclusions: ?For the team sports specialists, the Nash equilibrium (1950) was stronger than the Harsanyi equilibrium (1977). ?The sporting principles of equilibrium and exclusivity are not appropriate in the Bluegill Sunbass Game and are quickly abandoned by the team sports specialists. The latter are opportunists who focus solely on winning and do well out of it. ?The most altruistic players are the main losers in the Bluegill Sunbass Game: they keep the game alive but contribute to their own defeat. In our experiment, the most altruistic players tended to be the females and the individual sports specialists

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How do sportspeople succeed in a non-collaborative game? An illustration of a perverse side effect of altruism Are team sports specialists predisposed to collaboration? The scientific literature on this topic is divided. The present article attempts to end this debate by applying experimental game theory. We constituted three groups of volunteers (all students aged around 20): 25 team sports specialists; 23 individual sports specialists (gymnasts, track & field athletes and swimmers) and a control group of 24 non-sportspeople. Each subgroup was divided into 3 teams that played against each other in turn (and not against teams from other subgroups). The teams played a game based on the well-known Prisoner's Dilemma (Tucker, 1950) - the paradoxical "Bluegill Sunbass Game" (Binmore, 1999) with three Nash equilibria (two suboptimal equilibria with a pure strategy and an optimal equilibrium with a mixed, egotistical strategy (p= 1/2)). This game also features a Harsanyi equilibrium (based on constant compliance with a moral code and altruism by empathy: "do not unto others that which you would not have them do unto you"). How, then, was the game played? Two teams of 8 competed on a handball court. Each team wore a distinctive jersey. The game lasted 15 minutes and the players were allowed to touch the handball ball with their feet or hands. After each goal, each team had to return to its own half of the court. Players were allowed to score in either goal and thus cooperate with their teammates or not, as they saw fit. A goal against the nominally opposing team (a "guardian" strategy, by analogy with the Bluegill Sunbass Game) earned a point for everyone in the team. For an own goal (a "sneaker" strategy), only the scorer earned a point - hence the paradox. If all the members of a team work together to score a goal, everyone is happy (the Harsanyi solution). However, the situation was not balanced in the Nashian sense: each player had a reason to be disloyal to his/her team at the merest opportunity. But if everyone adopts a "sneaker" strategy, the game becomes a free-for-all and the chances of scoring become much slimmer. In a context in which doubt reigns as to the honesty of team members and "legal betrayals", what type of sportsperson will score the most goals? By analogy with the Bluegill Sunbass Game, we recorded direct motor interactions (passes and shots) based on either a "guardian" tactic (i.e. collaboration within the team) or a "sneaker" tactic (shots and passes against the player's designated team). So, was the group of team sports specialist more collaborative than the other two groups? The answer was no. A statistical analysis (difference from chance in a logistic regression) enabled us to draw three conclusions: ?For the team sports specialists, the Nash equilibrium (1950) was stronger than the Harsanyi equilibrium (1977). ?The sporting principles of equilibrium and exclusivity are not appropriate in the Bluegill Sunbass Game and are quickly abandoned by the team sports specialists. The latter are opportunists who focus solely on winning and do well out of it. ?The most altruistic players are the main losers in the Bluegill Sunbass Game: they keep the game alive but contribute to their own defeat. In our experiment, the most altruistic players tended to be the females and the individual sports specialists