Dietary media for mass rearing of rusty grain beetle, Cryptolestes ferrugineus (Stephens) and flat grain beetle, Cryptolestes pusillus (Schonherr) (Coleoptera: Cucujidae)

We developed a suitable diet for mass rearing of Cryptolestes ferrugineus (Stephens) populations under laboratory conditions. Recently, this pest has developed strong level of resistance to phosphine in Australia, and therefore, a significant amount of research has been directed towards its management. In total, nineteen grain-based diets, containing rolled oats, various combinations of cracked grains and flours of wheat, sorghum, maize and barley were tested. Each diet contained a small proportion of wheat germ (4.5% w/w) and torula yeast (0.5% w/w). Experiments were conducted at fixed temperature and relative humidity regimes of 30 ± 2 °C and 70 ± 2%, respectively, and replicated three times. Adults (n = 40) of a laboratory strain of C. ferrugineus were introduced into each diet, removed after 14 days and total numbers of live adult progeny were recorded. The following diets resulted in highest live progeny production: barley flour (95%) (607.67 ± 11.21) = rolled oats (75%) + cracked sorghum (20%) (597.33 ± 33.79) ≥ wheat flour (47.5%) + barley flour (47.5%) (496.67 ± 52.93) > cracked sorghum (95%) (384.00 ± 60.66). The performance of these four diets was then tested with field-collected populations of C. ferrugineus and Cryptolestes pusillus (Schonherr). The diets based on rolled oats + cracked sorghum, wheat flour + barley flour, and barley flour alone consistently produced highest progeny numbers in field-collected populations of both species, with mean progeny numbers ranging from 359.9 to 478.5. The multiplication of C. pusillus was significantly higher than C. ferrugineus on all four diets. Our findings will help in mass rearing of healthy cultures of C. ferrugineus and C. pusillus that will greatly facilitate laboratory and field research and in particular, in developing management tactics for these species.

Book Review: "Safe Design and Construction of Machinery – Regulation, Practice and Performance [First edition]"

With Safe Design and Construction of Machinery, the author presents the results of empirical studies into this significant aspect of safety science in a very readable, well-structured format. The book contains 436 references, 17 tables, one figure and a comprehensive index. Liz Bluff addresses a complex and important, but often neglected domain in OHS – the safety of machinery – in a holistic and profound, yet evidence based analysis; with many applied cases from her studies, which make the book accessible and a pleasant lecture. Although research that led to this remarkable publication might have been primarily focused on the regulators, this book can be highly recommended to all OHS academics and practitioners. It provides an important contribution to the body of knowledge in OHS, and establishes one of the few Australian in-depth insights into the significance of machinery producers, rather than machinery users in the wider framework of risk management. The author bases this fresh perspective on the well-established European Machinery Safety guidelines, and grounds her mixed-methods research predominantly in qualitative analysis of motivation and knowledge, which eventually leads to specific safety outcomes. It should be noted that both European and Australian legal aspects are investigated and considered, as both equally apply to many machinery exporters. A detailed description of the research design and methods can be found in an appendix. Overall, the unique combination of quantitative safety performance data and qualitative analysis of safety behaviours form a valuable addition to the understanding of machinery safety. The author must be congratulated on making these complex relationships transparent to the reader through her meticulous inquiry.

Deeply superficial digital media engagement? The case of Twitter and Movember 2013

Using activity generated with Twitter during Movember 2013, we interrogate the natures of superficiality running through what can be defined as a highly successful public health engagement intervention. Indeed, Movember arguably has not just been successful in one year in terms of raising funds for the causes it is concerned with, it has done this year-on-year since 2004. We tracked the keyword 'movember' (without the hash symbol) using an in-house installation of YourTwapperkeeper hosted on a NECTAR server. Data collection ran from 01 October - 04 December 2013, covering the ramp-up and wind-down periods of the event. We collected a total of 1,313,426 tweets from 759,345 unique users.

Mediaş Jewish Community Photograph Collection 1900-1930s bulk: undated

The collection contains more than 60 black and white photographs from the first decades of the 20th century found in the synagogue of Mediaş (Mediasch, Medgyes), Romania. The photographs were found in the process of an on-going clean-up and restoration project and for the most part are unidentified. The photographs are of community members and their relatives and friends; they consist of group family portraits, individual portraits, babies, and children. Some of the photographs originate from Mediaş and other nearby Transylvanian towns, while others were printed by foreign printing shops and were presumably sent to relatives living in Mediaş.

Regulation of Testosterone Rhythmicity by Gonadotropins in Bonnet Monkeys (Macaca radiata)

In an attempt to study the factor(s) that regulates production of nychthemeral testosterone surges in adult male bonnet monkeys (Macaca radiata), serum levels of testosterone, LH, FSH, and prolactin were monitored during a 24 h period. Only prolactin showed a significant increment in its levels coincident with that of the testosterone surge. The relationship between LH and testosterone production was studied by 1) observing the responsiveness of testes, in terms of testosterone production, to one or two injections of oLH (1 mg/injection) given 12 h apart at 0900 and 2100 h; and 2) monitoring the effect on testicular testosterone production of LH antiserum injection given at 1000, 1700, and 2100 h. That each LH injection brought about an increment in testosterone level of equal magnitude suggests that the difference in responsiveness of the testes to unchanging levels of LH at morning and night hours is not due to any alteration in substrate availability at the two time intervals. The LH antiserum experiments indicate that irrespective of the time of its administration the nocturnal surge of testosterone, which normally occurs at 2200 h, is blocked. While the antiserum prevents a rise in testosterone level, it appears not to influence basal testosterone production. The results further show that even at 2100 h, when surge testosterone production is already initiated, the testis is still highly sensitive to lack of LH, antiserum injection bringing about within 2 h a significant reduction in testosterone levels (by 69% in experimentals vs 11% in controls).

Studies on Aspergillus niger glutamine synthetase: Regulation of enzyme levels by nitrogen sources and identification of active site residues

The specific activity of glutamine synthetase (L-glutamate: ammonia ligase, EC 6.3.1.2) in surface grown Aspergillus niger was increased 3-5 fold when grown on L-glutamate or potassium nitrate, compared to the activity obtained on ammonium chloride. The levels of glutamine synthetase was regulated by the availability of nitrogen source like NH4 + , and further, the enzyme is repressed by increasing concentrations of NH4 +. In contrast to other micro-organisms, the Aspergillus niger enzyme was neither specifically inactivated by NH4+ or L-glutamine nor regulated by covalent modification.Glutamine synthetase from Aspergillus niger was purified to homogenity. The native enzyme is octameric with a molecular weight of 385,000±25,000. The enzyme also catalyses Mn2+ or Mg2+-dependent synthetase and Mn2+-dependent transferase activity.Aspergillus niger glutamine synthetase was completely inactivated by two mol of phenylglyoxal and one mol of N-ethylmaleimide with second order rate constants of 3·8 M–1 min–1 and 760 M–1 min–1 respectively. Ligands like Mg. ATP, Mg. ADP, Mg. AMP, L-glutamate NH4+, Mn2+ protected the enzyme against inactivation. The pattern of inactivation and protection afforded by different ligands against N-ethylamaleimide and phenylglyoxal was remarkably similar. These results suggest that metal ATP complex acts as a substrate and interacts with an arginine ressidue at the active site. Further, the metal ion and the free nucleotide probably interact at other sites on the enzyme affecting the catalytic activity.

National media regulations in an age of convergent media: Beyond globalisation, neo-liberalism and internet freedom theories

There is a widely held view that the nation-state has become less central to media and communications policy over the last two decades. As Jan van Cuilenberg and Denis McQuail (2003, p. 181) observed in their overview of trends in communications policy-making, 'the old normative media policies have been challenged and policy-makers are searching for a new communications policy paradigm'. There are characteristically five factors put forward as to why the nation-state has become less central to media in the twenty-first century

Media accounts of school performance: Reinforcing dominant practices of accountability

Media reportage often act as interpretations of accountability policies thereby making the news media a part of the policy enactment process. Within such a process, their role is that of policy reinforcement rather than policy construction or contestation. This paper draws on the experiences of school leaders in regional Queensland, Australia, and their perceptions of the media frames that are used to report on accountability using school performance. The notion of accountability is theorised in terms of media understandings of ‘holding power to account’, and forms the theoretical framework for this study. The methodological considerations both contextualise aspects of the schools involved in the study, and outline how ‘framing theory’ was used to analyse the data. The paper draws on a number of participant experiences and newspaper accounts of schools to identify the frames that are used by the press when reporting on school performance. Three frames referring to school performance are discussed in this paper: those that rank performance such as league tables; frames that decontextualise performance isolating it from school circumstances and levels of funding; and frames that residualise government schools.

New lads or ladettes? A critique of current theoretical explanations for young women’s violence proliferated over social media

Current theoretical explanations for young women’s violence examine physical violence as a masculine behaviour. This means that young women are constructed as rejecting elements of their femininity in favour of masculine behaviours in order to perform violence in an acceptable way, which results in them being constructed as violent femmes, new lads or ladettes. Alternatively, theoretical explanations construct young women as adhering to a feminine gender performance when avoiding physical violence, or engaging what are traditionally considered to be feminine characteristics of aggression. This paper critiques existing theoretical approaches applied to young women’s violence, by drawing on empirical research that examined young women’s physical altercations proliferated through social media. Preliminary research findings illustrate how continuing to construct young women’s violence through a gendered paradigm offers inadequate explanations for what young women’s violence actually entails. It concludes by suggesting how young women’s violence may be more adequately explained using a theoretical framework of embodying gender that moves away from gender dichotomies and constructs violence as a series of bodily practices.

Greenwashing the Trans-Pacific Partnership: Fossil fuels, the environment, and climate change

There has been much controversy over the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) – a plurilateral trade agreement involving a dozen nations from throughout the Pacific Rim – and its impact upon the environment, biodiversity, and climate change. The secretive treaty negotiations involve Australia and New Zealand; countries from South East Asia such as Brunei Darussalam, Malaysia, Singapore, Vietnam, and Japan; the South American nations of Peru and Chile; and the members of the 1994 North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), Canada, Mexico and the United States. There was an agreement reached between the parties in October 2015. The participants asserted: ‘We expect this historic agreement to promote economic growth, support higher-paying jobs; enhance innovation, productivity and competitiveness; raise living standards; reduce poverty in our countries; and to promote transparency, good governance, and strong labor and environmental protections.’ The final texts of the agreement were published in November 2015. There has been discussion as to whether other countries – such as Indonesia, the Philippines, and South Korea – will join the deal. There has been much debate about the impact of this proposed treaty upon intellectual property, the environment, biodiversity and climate change. There have been similar concerns about the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) – a proposed trade agreement between the United States and the European Union. In 2011, the United States Trade Representative developed a Green Paper on trade, conservation, and the environment in the context of the TPP. In its rhetoric, the United States Trade Representative has maintained that it has been pushing for strong, enforceable environmental standards in the TPP. In a key statement in 2014, the United States Trade Representative Mike Froman insisted: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative maintained: ‘Our proposals in the TPP are centered around the enforcement of environmental laws, including those implementing multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) in TPP partner countries, and also around trailblazing, first-ever conservation proposals that will raise standards across the region’. Moreover, the United States Trade Representative asserted: ‘Furthermore, our proposals would enhance international cooperation and create new opportunities for public participation in environmental governance and enforcement.’ The United States Trade Representative has provided this public outline of the Environment Chapter of the TPP: A meaningful outcome on environment will ensure that the agreement appropriately addresses important trade and environment challenges and enhances the mutual supportiveness of trade and environment. The Trans-Pacific Partnership countries share the view that the environment text should include effective provisions on trade-related issues that would help to reinforce environmental protection and are discussing an effective institutional arrangement to oversee implementation and a specific cooperation framework for addressing capacity building needs. They also are discussing proposals on new issues, such as marine fisheries and other conservation issues, biodiversity, invasive alien species, climate change, and environmental goods and services. Mark Linscott, an assistant Trade Representative testified: ‘An environment chapter in the TPP should strengthen country commitments to enforce their environmental laws and regulations, including in areas related to ocean and fisheries governance, through the effective enforcement obligation subject to dispute settlement.’ Inside US Trade has commented: ‘While not initially expected to be among the most difficult areas, the environment chapter has emerged as a formidable challenge, partly due to disagreement over the United States proposal to make environmental obligations binding under the TPP dispute settlement mechanism’. Joshua Meltzer from the Brookings Institute contended that the trade agreement could be a boon for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim: Whether it is depleting fisheries, declining biodiversity or reduced space in the atmosphere for Greenhouse Gas emissions, the underlying issue is resource scarcity. And in a world where an additional 3 billion people are expected to enter the middle class over the next 15 years, countries need to find new and creative ways to cooperate in order to satisfy the legitimate needs of their population for growth and opportunity while using resources in a manner that is sustainable for current and future generations. The TPP parties already represent a diverse range of developed and developing countries. Should the TPP become a free trade agreement of the Asia-Pacific region, it will include the main developed and developing countries and will be a strong basis for building a global consensus on these trade and environmental issues. The TPP has been promoted by its proponents as a boon to the environment. The United States Trade Representative has maintained that the TPP will protect the environment: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the TPP negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative discussed ‘Trade for a Greener World’ on World Environment Day. Andrew Robb, at the time the Australian Trade and Investment Minister, vowed that the TPP will contain safeguards for the protection of the environment. In November 2015, after the release of the TPP text, Rohan Patel, the Special Assistant to the President and Deputy Director of Intergovernmental Affairs, sought to defend the environmental credentials of the TPP. He contended that the deal had been supported by the Nature Conservancy, the International Fund for Animal Welfare, the Joint Ocean Commission Initiative, the World Wildlife Fund, and World Animal Protection. The United States Congress, though, has been conflicted by the United States Trade Representative’s arguments about the TPP and the environment. In 2012, members of the United States Congress - including Senator Ron Wyden (D-OR), Olympia Snowe (R-ME), and John Kerry (D-MA) – wrote a letter, arguing that the trade agreement needs to provide strong protection for the environment: ‘We believe that a '21st century agreement' must have an environment chapter that guarantees ongoing sustainable trade and creates jobs, and this is what American businesses and consumers want and expect also.’ The group stressed that ‘A binding and enforceable TPP environment chapter that stands up for American interests is critical to our support of the TPP’. The Congressional leaders maintained: ‘We believe the 2007 bipartisan congressional consensus on environmental provisions included in recent trade agreements should serve as the framework for the environment chapter of the TPP.’ In 2013, senior members of the Democratic leadership expressed their opposition to granting President Barack Obama a fast-track authority in respect of the TPP House of Representatives Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi said: ‘No on fast-track – Camp-Baucus – out of the question.’ Senator Majority leader Harry Reid commented: ‘I’m against Fast-Track: Everyone would be well-advised to push this right now.’ Senator Elizabeth Warren has been particularly critical of the process and the substance of the negotiations in the TPP: From what I hear, Wall Street, pharmaceuticals, telecom, big polluters and outsourcers are all salivating at the chance to rig the deal in the upcoming trade talks. So the question is, Why are the trade talks secret? You’ll love this answer. Boy, the things you learn on Capitol Hill. I actually have had supporters of the deal say to me ‘They have to be secret, because if the American people knew what was actually in them, they would be opposed. Think about that. Real people, people whose jobs are at stake, small-business owners who don’t want to compete with overseas companies that dump their waste in rivers and hire workers for a dollar a day—those people, people without an army of lobbyists—they would be opposed. I believe if people across this country would be opposed to a particular trade agreement, then maybe that trade agreement should not happen. The Finance Committee in the United States Congress deliberated over the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations in 2014. The new chair Ron Wyden has argued that there needs to be greater transparency in trade. Nonetheless, he has mooted the possibility of a ‘smart-track’ to reconcile the competing demands of the Obama Administration, and United States Congress. Wyden insisted: ‘The new breed of trade challenges spawned over the last generation must be addressed in imaginative new policies and locked into enforceable, ambitious, job-generating trade agreements.’ He emphasized that such agreements ‘must reflect the need for a free and open Internet, strong labor rights and environmental protections.’ Elder Democrat Sander Levin warned that the TPP failed to provide proper protection for the environment: The TPP parties are considering a different structure to protect the environment than the one adopted in the May 10 Agreement, which directly incorporated seven multilateral environmental agreements into the text of past trade agreements. While the form is less important than the substance, the TPP must provide an overall level of environmental protection that upholds and builds upon the May 10 standard, including fully enforceable obligations. But many of our trading partners are actively seeking to weaken the text to the point of falling short of that standard, including on key issues like conservation. Nonetheless, 2015, President Barack Obama was able to secure the overall support of the United States Congress for his ‘fast-track’ authority. This was made possible by the Republicans and dissident Democrats. Notably, Oregon Senator Ron Wyden switched sides, and was transformed from a critic of the TPP to an apologist for the TPP. For their part, green political parties and civil society organisations have been concerned about the secretive nature of the negotiations; and the substantive implications of the treaty for the environment. Environmental groups and climate advocates have been sceptical of the environmental claims made by the White House for the TPP. The Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand, the Australian Greens and the Green Party of Canada have released a joint declaration on the TPP observing: ‘More than just another trade agreement, the TPP provisions could hinder access to safe, affordable medicines, weaken local content rules for media, stifle high-tech innovation, and even restrict the ability of future governments to legislate for the good of public health and the environment’. In the United States, civil society groups such as the Sierra Club, Public Citizen, WWF, the Friends of the Earth, the Rainforest Action Network and 350.org have raised concerns about the TPP and the environment. Allison Chin, President of the Sierra Club, complained about the lack of transparency, due process, and public participation in the TPP talks: ‘This is a stealth affront to the principles of our democracy.’ Maude Barlow’s The Council of Canadians has also been concerned about the TPP and environmental justice. New Zealand Sustainability Council executive director Simon Terry said the agreement showed ‘minimal real gains for nature’. A number of organisations have joined a grand coalition of civil society organisations, which are opposed to the grant of a fast-track. On the 15th January 2013, WikiLeaks released the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP - along with a report by the Chairs of the Environmental Working Group. Julian Assange, WikiLeaks' publisher, stated: ‘Today's WikiLeaks release shows that the public sweetener in the TPP is just media sugar water.’ He observed: ‘The fabled TPP environmental chapter turns out to be a toothless public relations exercise with no enforcement mechanism.’ This article provides a critical examination of the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP. The overall argument of the article is that the Environment Chapter of the TPP is an exercise in greenwashing – it is a public relations exercise by the United States Trade Representative, rather than a substantive regime for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim. Greenwashing has long been a problem in commerce, in which companies making misleading and deceptive claims about the environment. In his 2012 book, Greenwash: Big Brands and Carbon Scams, Guy Pearse considers the rise of green marketing and greenwashing. Government greenwashing is also a significant issue. In his book Storms of My Grandchildren, the climate scientist James Hansen raises his concerns about government greenwashing. Such a problem is apparent with the TPP – in which there was a gap between the assertions of the United States Government, and the reality of the agreement. This article contends that the TPP fails to meet the expectations created by President Barack Obama, the White House, and the United States Trade Representative about the environmental value of the agreement. First, this piece considers the relationship of the TPP to multilateral environmental treaties. Second, it explores whether the provisions in respect of the environment are enforceable. Third, this article examines the treatment of trade and biodiversity in the TPP. Fourth, this study considers the question of marine capture fisheries. Fifth, there is an evaluation of the cursory text in the TPP on conservation. Sixth, the article considers trade in environmental services under the TPP. Seventh, this article highlights the tensions between the TPP and substantive international climate action. It is submitted that the TPP undermines effective and meaningful government action and regulation in respect of climate change. The conclusion also highlights that a number of other chapters of the TPP will impact upon the protection of the environment – including the Investment Chapter, the Intellectual Property Chapter, the Technical Barriers to Trade Chapter, and the text on public procurement.

Regulation of arginine decarboxylase and putrescine levels in Cucumis sativus cotyledons

Arginine decarboxylase (arginine carboxy-lyase EC 4.1.1.19) of Cucumis sativus cotyledons, has a pH optimum of 8.3 and a temperature optimum of 40°. Among the various plant hormones administered to excised cotyledons in culture, benzyladenine and its riboside were most effective in increasing the arginine decarboxylase activity and putrescine content. The enzyme activity and putrescine content were significantly increased on acid feeding of the cotyledons and decreased by KCl treatment. The KCl effect could be only partially reversed by benzyladenine. Abscisic acid inhibited cotyledon growth and also reduced arginine decarboxylase and putrescine levels. This effect was overcome by cytokinins. The half life of the enzyme using cycloheximide was 3.7 hr. Dibutyryl cyclic AMP and 5′-AMP also marginally stimulated the enzyme and putrescine levels. Mixing experiments indicate that there is neither a non-dialysable activator nor inhibitor of the enzyme.

The regulation of the biosynthesis of ubiquinone in the rat

The urinary excretion of p-hydroxybenzoate was not altered by ubiquinone feeding, but, although decreased considerably, was not eliminated in protein deficiency. The incorporation of p-hydroxy[U-14C]benzaldehyde into ubiquinone in vivo increased in cold-exposed and p-chlorophenoxyisobutyrate (clofibrate)-fed rats, and these changes were parallel with the changes in the incorporation of [2-14C]mevalonate under these conditions. Starvation, cholesterol feeding and cholic acid feeding resulted in the decreased incorporation of p-hydroxy[U-14C]benzaldehyde into ubiquinone, confirming the decreased ubiquinone synthesis. Feeding exogenous ubiquinone increased the hepatic ubiquinone concentration, but did not cause any decrease in the incorporation of p-hydroxy[U-14C]benzaldehyde into ubiquinone, indicating the absence of a feedback control.