957 resultados para Last military dictatorship


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Martin Scorsese’s film The Last Temptation of Christ (1988) has polarised critics and audiences for almost two decades. The film is most often remembered for offending the religious sensibilities of fundamentalist Christians, who objected to Scorsese’s representation of Christ as a neurotic figure who struggles to reconcile his divinity with his sexual impulses.

Even critics who reject the fundamentalist accusations of blasphemy are divided about the film’s value. For example, Rolando Caputo praises the film as an unrecognised masterpiece, which confirms Scorsese’s status as an auteur. Conversely, Leonard W. Levy, dismiss the film as having little artistic merit. This paper re-evaluates the film as a serious theological text by re-examining the film in the light of Michel Foucault’s essay ‘A Preface to Transgression,’ arguing that the film can be read as a sophisticated attempt to examine the connections between corporeality, divinity and human subjectivity.

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This study reports the friendship experiences and aspirations of adults with intellectual disabilities. The findings of a larger study were reviewed by an expert group of self‐advocates with intellectual disability. The expert group confirmed some of the interpretation of the original data and expanded on issues. Friendship is established as an issue of concern among adults with intellectual disability. Consequently, policy‐makers and service providers need to be intentional about providing support for friendships. Participants asserted a positive self‐identity of being a person with intellectual disability and how this could be a basis for friendship. Also, people with intellectual disability demonstrated how they should be considered experts in their own life experience and how they can be effectively included in the formulation, implementation, analysis and review of research.†In memory of our dear friend Allison J. Dewing‐Moore, died 3 November 2005.

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Fiji's total debt stands at 65% of GDP. Domestic debt constitutes 55% of GDP. The goal of this paper is to investigate whether military expenditure has contributed to Fiji's exploding debt levels over the period 1970 to 2005. Our empirical analysis, conducted within a cointegration and vector error-correction framework, suggests that, in the long-run, military expenditure has had a statistically significant positive impact on both external debt and domestic debt, while income has had a statistically significant positive impact on domestic debt and a statistically significant negative impact on external debt. We explain the reasons behind this finding and draw some policy implications.

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The field of electronic noses and gas sensing has been developing rapidly since the introduction of the silicon based sensors. There are numerous systems that can detect and indicate the level of a specific gas. We introduce here a system that is low power, small and cheap enough to be used in mobile robotic platforms while still being accurate and reliable enough for confident use. The design is based around a small circuit board mounted in a plastic case with holes to allow the sensors to protrude through the top and allow the natural flow of gas evenly across them. The main control board consists of a microcontroller PCB with surface mount components for low cost and power consumption. The firmware of the device is based on an algorithm that uses an Artificial Neural Network (ANN) which receives input from an array of gas sensors. The various sensors feeding the ANN allow the microcontroller to determine the gas type and quantity. The Testing of the device involves the training of the ANN with a number of different target gases to determine the weightings for the ANN. Accuracy and reliability of the ANN is validated through testing in a specific gas filled environment.

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The literature of communication and conflict is long and deep. However, it has focused primarily on cross-border conflict in the northern hemisphere. Not much academic research has been done on intra-state conflicts in general or on Asian conflicts in particular. This research on the Sri Lankan separatist conflict contributes towards filling this void.Newspaper reports in three languages on Operation Jayasikurui (1997) as well as on the capture of Elephant Pass (2000) were analyzed by trained coders with high reliability. In-depth interviews were conducted with Sri Lankan journalists and military personnel who participated in these incidents. Triangulation sources include Sri Lanka Army materials and the Sri Lanka Government Gazette.

Results clearly show that despite stringent governmental regulations, censorship had no effect on these Sri Lankan newspapers, which employed unique cultural techniques to circumvent these restrictions. Despite their apparent divergent ethnic backgrounds, all newspaper samples are consensual in their depiction of the conflict all the time while managing to set different agendas for their individual readerships. Media regulations could not impose censorship as proposed by Western theoretical constructs. Results show no correspondence between media samples and imposition of government or military policy. The press enjoyed freedom to convey war information to the public and exhibited a distinct streak of social responsibility in their watchdog instincts.Dominant Western propaganda models and theoretical perspectives do not apply to the Sri Lankan context. Understanding the cultural dimensions is essential before theorizing on media behaviour. No particular theoretical framework from the literature could be used to make inferences. One further interesting finding suggested from this research: Internal conflict within the Asian region may have its own unique theoretical perspective. The study concludes by proposing an alternative model.

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Research on media production and on media effects under military censorship has centred primarily on cross-border conflicts being waged by Western regimes. There is a noticeable void in understanding internal conflicts, particularly so within the Asian region. To help address this lacuna, we content-analyse Sri Lankan newspaper samples of two critical military campaigns within the Sri Lankan separatist conflict to gain insight into an Asian internal conflict within the context of military censorship and culture. We discover that supposedly stringent censorship regulations and the rules of the official communication systems have almost no effect on Sri Lankan newspapers, which demonstrate a unique talent to circumvent these strictures. During these bloody internal conflicts, the Sri Lankan press enjoyed freedom of expression, flaunted social responsibility and their watchdog instincts, and, most interestingly for us, demonstrated the failure of the Western propaganda model and other theoretical perspectives. The importance of understanding cultural dimensions before theorizing media behaviour in order to obtain a more rational understanding of the sociology of media is posited by this study. We conclude with discussion of a new model of media censorship which has more relevance in Asian internal conflicts.