The Polish EU presidency in Polish press: Did we actually notice it?

The aim of this paper is to present the findings of a quantitative content analysis of the Polish print media. Sharing the codebook and procedures with an international team, we were able to gain a broad perspective on the media coverage of the first Polish EU presidency. In particular, we focused on: (1) the number of items covering events related to the presidency, (2) the prominence of the topic, (3) genres, (4) main topics, (5) authors of news, (6) authors of opinions, and (7) the way Polish journalists evaluated Poland’s performance during the EU presidency. The findings showed that although Polish print press reported the first Polish EU presidency, the topic’s prominence was not very high. Media organizations rather rarely presented the topic on the front page and they did not change their regular editorial policy. Most of the news items, as well as opinions and comments, were written by staff members. Furthermore, journalists seemed to be more interested in the opinions of national politicians, rather than experts. As a result, the framework of the coverage was predominantly domestic. Journalists working for daily newspapers focused mostly on providing news and their own interpretations of the reported events. On the contrary weekly magazines provided comments and interviews, but again, most of the opinions were expressed by their own journalists and editors.

The priorities of the Polish presidency of the Council of the European Union

The paper discusses the Polish presidency of the EU Council in terms of its priorities. It analyzes the circumstances of their formulation, selection and implementation. The authors answer the question of what influenced the selection of Poland’s priorities and what selection mechanisms were applied. Additionally, they examine how the national agenda was ‘concealed’ in Community rhetoric. Thus, the analytical part discusses the political and legal path that determined the priorities. The EU agenda, Polish ambitions and the context of the trio is also presented. The paper concludes with the authors’ assessment of the implementation of the priorities.

Meillä ei ole ikuisia ystäviä eikä ikuisia vihollisia. Ikuisia ovat meidän omat etumme. : Suomen suhteet Kiinan kansantasavaltaan 1949 - 1989

"We have neither Eternal Friends nor Eternal Enemies. We have only Eternal Interests .Finland's Relations with China 1949-1989 The study focuses on the relations between Finland and the People s Republic of China from 1949-1989 and examines how a small country became embroiled in international politics, and how, at the same time, international politics affected Finnish-Chinese relations and Finland s China policy formulation. The study can be divided into three sections: relations during the early years, 1949-1960, before the Chinese and Soviet rift became public; the relations during the passive period during the 1960s and 1970s; and the impact of China s Open Door policy on Finland s China policy from 1978-1989. The diplomatically challenging events around Tiananmen Square and the reactions which followed in Finland bring the study to a close. Finland was among the first Western countries to recognise the People s Republic and to establish diplomatic relations with her, thereby giving Finland an excellent position from which to further develop good relations. Finland was also the first Western country to sign a trade agreement with China. These two factors meant that Finland was able to enjoy a special status with China during the 1950s. The special status was further strengthened by the systematic support of the government of Finland for China's UN membership. The solid reputation earned in the 1950s had to carry Finland all the way through to the 1980s. For the two decades in between, during the passive policy period of the 1960s and 1970s, relations between Finland and the Soviet Union also determined the state of foreign relations with China. Interestingly, however, it appeared that President Urho Kekkonen was encouraged by Ambassador Joel Toivola to envisage a more proactive policy towards China, but the Cultural Revolution cut short any such plan for nearly twenty years. Because of the Soviet Union, Finland held on to her passive China policy, even though no such message was ever received from the Soviet Union. In fact, closer relationships between Finland and China were encouraged through diplomatic channels. It was not until the presidency of Mauno Koivisto that the first high-level ministerial visit was made to China when, in 1984, Foreign Minister Paavo Väyrynen visited the People s Republic. Finnish-Chinese relations were lifted to a new level. Foreign Minister Väyrynen, however, was forced to remove the prejudices of the Chinese. In 1985, when the Speaker of the Finnish Parliament, Erkki Pystynen visited China he also discovered that Finland s passive China policy had caused misunderstandings amongst the Chinese politicians. The number of exchanges escalated in the wake of the ground-breaking visit by Foreign Minister Väyrynen: Prime Minister Kalevi Sorsa visited China in 1986 and President Koivisto did so in 1988. President Koivisto stuck to practical, China-friendly policies: his correspondence with Li Peng, the attitude taken by the Finnish government after the Tiananmen Square events and the subsequent choices made by his administration all pointed to a new era in relations with China.

Albert Einstein, Paul Langevin, Princesse de Noeille, and Paul Painleve; Paris Portraits Groups

Digital Image

We Are All Georgians : The Neoconservative Narrative on the Russia-Georgia War

In this thesis I examine the U.S. foreign policy discussion that followed the war between Russia and Georgia in August 2008. In the politically charged setting that preceded the presidential elections, the subject of the debate was not only Washington's response to the crisis in the Caucasus but, more generally, the direction of U.S. foreign policy after the presidency of George W. Bush. As of November 2010, the reasons for and consequences of the Russia-Georgia war continue to be contested. My thesis demonstrates that there were already a number of different stories about the conflict immediately after the outbreak of hostilities. I want to argue that among these stories one can discern a “neoconservative narrative” that described the war as a confrontation between the East and the West and considered it as a test for Washington’s global leadership. I draw on the theory of securitization, particularly on a framework introduced by Holger Stritzel. Accordingly, I consider statements about the conflict as “threat texts” and analyze these based on the existing discursive context, the performative force of the threat texts and the positional power of the actors presenting them. My thesis suggests that a notion of narrativity can complement Stritzel’s securitization framework and take it further. Threat texts are established as narratives by attaching causal connections, meaning and actorship to the discourse. By focusing on this process I want to shed light on the relationship between the text and the context, capture the time dimension of a speech act articulation and help to explain how some interpretations of the conflict are privileged and others marginalized. I develop the theoretical discussion through an empirical analysis of the neoconservative narrative. Drawing on Stritzel’s framework, I argue that the internal logic of the narrative which was presented as self-evident can be analyzed in its historicity. Asking what was perceived to be at stake in the conflict, how the narrative was formed and what purposes it served also reveals the possibility for alternative explanations. My main source material consists of transcripts of think tank seminars organized in Washington, D.C. in August 2008. In addition, I resort to the foreign policy discussion in the mainstream media.

We Are All Georgians: The Neoconservative Narrative on the Russia-Georgia War

In this thesis I examine the U.S. foreign policy discussion that followed the war between Russia and Georgia in August 2008. In the politically charged setting that preceded the presidential elections, the subject of the debate was not only Washington's response to the crisis in the Caucasus but, more generally, the direction of U.S. foreign policy after the presidency of George W. Bush. As of November 2010, the reasons for and consequences of the Russia-Georgia war continue to be contested. My thesis demonstrates that there were already a number of different stories about the conflict immediately after the outbreak of hostilities. I want to argue that among these stories one can discern a “neoconservative narrative” that described the war as a confrontation between the East and the West and considered it as a test for Washington’s global leadership. I draw on the theory of securitization, particularly on a framework introduced by Holger Stritzel. Accordingly, I consider statements about the conflict as “threat texts” and analyze these based on the existing discursive context, the performative force of the threat texts and the positional power of the actors presenting them. My thesis suggests that a notion of narrativity can complement Stritzel’s securitization framework and take it further. Threat texts are established as narratives by attaching causal connections, meaning and actorship to the discourse. By focusing on this process I want to shed light on the relationship between the text and the context, capture the time dimension of a speech act articulation and help to explain how some interpretations of the conflict are privileged and others marginalized. I develop the theoretical discussion through an empirical analysis of the neoconservative narrative. Drawing on Stritzel’s framework, I argue that the internal logic of the narrative which was presented as self-evident can be analyzed in its historicity. Asking what was perceived to be at stake in the conflict, how the narrative was formed and what purposes it served also reveals the possibility for alternative explanations. My main source material consists of transcripts of think tank seminars organized in Washington, D.C. in August 2008. In addition, I resort to the foreign policy discussion in the mainstream media.

Young Actors in Transnational Agoras : Multi-sited Ethnography of Cosmopolitan Micropolitical Orientations

This study examines young people s political participation in transnational meetings. Methodologically the study aims to shed light on multi-sited global ethnography. Young people are viewed here as a social age group sensitive to critical, alternative and even radical political participation. The diversity of the young actors and their actions is captured by using several different methods. What is more, the study spurs us coming from the Global North to develop social science research towards methodological cosmopolitanism and to consider our research practices from a moral cosmopolitan perspective. The research sites are the EU Presidency Youth Event (2006 Hyvinkää, Finland), the Global Young Greens Founding Conference (2007 Nairobi, Kenya), the European Social Forum (2008 Malmö, Sweden) and three World Social Forums (2006 Bamako, Mali; 2007 Nairobi Kenya and 2009 Belém, Brazil). The data consists of participant observation, documents and media articles of the meetings, interviews, photos, video, and internet data. This multidisciplinary study combines youth research, development studies, performative social science and political sociology. In this research the diverse field of youth political participation in transnational agoras is studied by using a cross-table of cosmopolitan resources (or the lack of them) and everydaymakers expert citizen dichotomy. First, the young participants of the EU Presidency youth event are studied as an example of expert citizens with cosmopolitan resources (these resources include, for example, language skills, higher education and international social network). Second, the study analyses those everyday-makers who use performative politics to demonstrate their political missions here and now. But in order to make the social movement global they need cosmopolitan resources to be able to use the social media tools and work globally. Third, the study reflects upon the difficulties of reaching those actors who lack cosmopolitan resources, either everyday-makers or expert citizens. The go-along method and the use of the interpreters are shown as ways to reach these young people s political missions. Fourth, the research underlines the importance of contact zones (i.e. spaces or situations where the aforementioned orientations and their differences temporarily disappear or weaken) for deeper democracy and for boosted dialogue between different kinds of participants. Keywords: political participation, young people, multi-sited ethnography, youth research, political sociology, development studies, performative social science

The Mathematical modeling of inhomogeneites in ventricular tissue

Cardiac arrhythmias such as ventricular tachycardia (VT) or ventricular fibrillation (VF) are the leading cause of death in the industrialised world. There is a growing consensus that these arrhythmias arise because of the formation of spiral waves of electrical activation in cardiac tissue; unbroken spiral waves are associated with VT and broken ones with VF. Several experimental studies have been carried out to determine the effects of inhomogeneities in cardiac tissue on such arrhythmias. We give a brief overview of such experiments, and then an introduction to partial-differential-equation models for ventricular tissue. We show how different types of inhomogeneities can be included in such models, and then discuss various numerical studies, including our own, of the effects of these inhomogeneities on spiral-wave dynamics. The most remarkable qualitative conclusion of our studies is that the spiral-wave dynamics in such systems depends very sensitively on the positions of these inhomogeneities.

Frondizi y Eisenhower : ¿relación amistosa o incierta?

Resumen: El acceso al Centro de Estudios Nacionales (CEN), archivo personal de Arturo Frondizi, provee nueva documentación sobre su presidencia (1958-1962) de gran relevancia, considerando que el Archivo del Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores argentino permanece cerrado. Hemos estudiado las relaciones con Estados Unidos durante la presidencia de Eisenhower. El artículo examina el cambio en política exterior que Frondizi implementó para fortalecer la posición argentina en el campo internacional. El país participaba de los valores de Occidente, promovía el multilateralismo y cultivaba buenas relaciones con Estados Unidos. El subyacente y principal objetivo de esta política exterior fue lograr el desarrollo nacional. El artículo se centra en la visita de Frondizi a Estados Unidos –la primera de un presidente argentino– y la de Eisenhower a la Argentina en su viaje a América latina.

Sarmiento y su visión militar

Resumen: Las grandes naciones se construyen a partir de la visión alentadora de un grupo de hombres, que en la comprensión cabal de la realidad son capaces de encontrar las soluciones necesarias. Para el estadista ningún asunto puede reconocerse sin su relación con el otro y todos adquieren importancia en tanto puedan contribuir al desarrollo nacional y el bienestar ciudadano. En Sarmiento, la educación habría de ser el origen, y su realización, el instrumento inapelable en la construcción de un estado moderno. En este esquema las instituciones aparecen como los pilares sobre los que se apoya la verdadera esencia del espíritu nacional, y el único sostén legítimo del Estado; de allí la preocupación por su consolidación. A la organización de la política, de la justicia y de la administración en general, Sarmiento sumó un interés medular en torno al fortalecimiento del Ejército y la Armada, que tuvo como punto de partida las guerras civiles argentinas, continuidad con la experiencia adquirida en los Estados Unidos y su afirmación tras las consecuencias de la guerra con el Paraguay. Esta investigación aborda los aspectos más profundos de su pensamiento castrense, materializado en obra a partir de un agudo trabajo de organización desarrollado a lo largo de sus servicios militares, y en la presidencia de la Nación con la adquisición de modernos armamentos y la creación de las primeras escuelas para oficiales.

Atuação do legislativo frente ao presidencialismo de coalizão

Objetiva analisar todas as leis ordinárias que entraram em vigor durante a 51ª e 52ª Legislaturas (janeiro de 1999 a janeiro de 2007) identificando a autoria e as áreas temáticas dessas leis dando assim, continuidade ao estudo realizado por Otávio Amorim Neto e Fabiano Santos no texto "O Segredo Ineficiente Revisto: O que Propõem e o que aprovam os Deputados Brasileiros", onde foi feito o levantamento das leis ordinárias entre os anos de 1985 e 1999 a partir de tipologia criada por Taylor-Robinson e Diaz que quantificou e classificou as leis de acordo com o assunto ou objeto. A metodologia empregada foi o levantamento das leis ordinárias compreendidas entre janeiro de 1999 a janeiro de 2007, a partir do banco de dados do Site da Presidência da República, do Sistema de Informações Legislativas da Câmara dos Deputados (SILEG) e do Sistema de Informações do Congresso Nacional (SICON). A análise dos dados mostra que a maior parte das Leis Ordinárias que entraram em vigor é de autoria do Poder Executivo levando, consequentemente, à baixa produção legislativa do Congresso Nacional. Além disso, o Poder Executivo, detentor do Poder de Agenda, é o autor das leis consideradas de maior relevância à sociedade.

Discursos de posse dos Presidentes do Supremo Tribunal Federal Brasil, capital Brasília: uma das faces do ethos do Poder Judiciário

O objeto deste estudo é a análise do comportamento da palavra nos discursos de posse dos Presidentes do Supremo Tribunal Federal, tendo como foco o enunciador e o lugar que ocupa no mundo em que constrói seu discurso, quando toma a palavra que lhe é de direito. Verificamos as relações de poder estabelecidas pela palavra e a ação que ela é capaz de realizar: a construção de imagens, a percepção do outro no momento do costuramento discursivo e os ajustamentos necessários entre o eu e o outro para o desenvolvimento da argumentação. Considerando que o poder imanente da palavra política é premissa fundamental para identificar o ethos dos enunciadores discursivos, demos, pois, enfoque ao modo como se dá a sua constituição nesses discursos, tendo em vista a representação histórica, social, linguística e discursiva dos sujeitos enunciadores, cuja identidade individual ou coletiva, bem como a do auditório a que se destina inscreve o binômio língua/sociedade como premissa fundamental para a realização do estudo da estrutura linguística utilizada em sua redação. Analisar os discursos de posse dos presidentes do Supremo Tribunal Federal, nos últimos 47 anos da República no Brasil, permite que apontemos uma das imagens do Poder Judiciário, forjada pelos membros do próprio Poder e o espelhamento inegável entre presidência e presidentes; que observemos as características que os inserem em determinados domínios discursivos e o contrato que confirma a interdependência e relevância de enunciador e auditório para a constituição do ethos de credibilidade nesses discursos, que tratamos como subgênero textual do gênero discurso de posse; que identifiquemos os ajustamentos e interação entre a tríade enunciador, discurso e auditório responsável pelo desenvolvimento da argumentação e da construção de uma das faces do ethos do Poder Judiciário