969 resultados para ELECTROPOLISHING (EP)


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The 2013 European Year of Citizens was profoundly marked by escalating attacks against one of the EU’s major achievement for EU citizens: freedom of movement. In April 2013, Home Affairs Ministers from Austria, Germany, the Netherlands and the UK were party to a letter claiming that “a significant number of new immigrants draw social assistance in the host countries, frequently without genuine entitlement, burdening host societies’ social welfare systems”. This letter laid the groundwork for a “battle plan”, presented by David Cameron in November, which aimed to make the free movement of persons “less free” and put forward the idea of capping “EU migration”. Furthermore, in December, the German conservative Christian Social Union (CSU) took up a similar petty political discourse. After the end of the transitional period for Romania and Bulgaria on 1 January 2014, the debate continues with Chuka Umunna (British Labour Party) proposing to restrict the freedom of movement to highly skilled EU citizens and to citizens in possession of a firm job offer. Alongside this, the German Chancellor, Angela Merkel announced the formation of a committee to investigate “poverty migration” in Germany. This wave of resentment has been more recently followed by the UK Prime Minister David Cameron, expressing his intention to re-negotiate EU law in order to be able to withdraw child benefits from EU citizens working in the UK, citing Polish citizens working in the UK as an example. Seeing this as a stigmatisation of the Polish population, the Polish foreign minister, Radosław Sikorski, qualified Cameron’s discourse as “unacceptable”. The debate over limiting freedom of movement has continuously escalated and reached a worrying level. With the EP elections approaching in May 2014, this debate is likely to become worse.

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The changeover in the European Commission in autumn of this year will be one of the key factors that will determine the direction of the European Union for the coming years. The question of who will get what job, how far the European Parliament elections can influence the appointment of the Commission President (and the impact this has on the relationship between EP and the Commission), and what the new focus of the Commission will be in terms of policy priorities will all have a strong influence on EU policy for some time to come.

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In the end, the system of Spitzenkandidaten or Top Candidate has prevailed despite unease or even outright opposition from a number of Member States. This could be seen as a victory of the European Parliament, especially since it does now create expectations about the European Parliament strongly influencing future decisions. However, it is not straightforward: the Spitzenkandidaten process did not encourage higher participation, implying that the legitimacy question is far from answered. In addition, Member States unhappy with the EP gaining more and more powers might well look into how the powers of the EP can be curtailed in future, for example through greater involvement of national parliaments.

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The European Union has always struggled to build a strong relation with its electorate and the results of the 2009 European elections showed that turnout is still declining but also significantly lower than in national elections. The percentage of young people that voted in these elections was even lower, with an average of 29% for the age group 18-24 and 36% for the age group 25-36. To investigate this further, FutureLab Europe carried out an online survey, asking young Europeans about their attitude towards the EU and the upcoming EP elections, with the results presented here in the report: ‘Missing a generation in EU politics’.

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This paper provides new evidence about the budgetary consequences – for patent offices – of the coexistence of the forthcoming Unitary Patent (UP) with the current European Patent (EP). Simulation results illustrate a dilemma between (1) high UP renewal fees to ensure enough financial income for all national patent offices (NPOs) and (2) low UP renewal fees to make the UP system affordable, with very few NPOs losing on financial revenues. The simulations help to understand the positions of several patent offices, and underline an alternative way to proceed with the negotiations while reducing financial risks for the whole system.

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The role of national parliaments in the EU has been at the centre of a long debate. Since the Maastricht treaty, new powers to the EU level have been accompanied not only by an increasing role of the European Parliament (EP) in the legislative process, but also by a number of declarations and protocols to ensure that national parliaments received the information and documents required to effectively monitor their governments in EU affairs. The Lisbon Treaty extended the guarantees and also included new modes of direct participation. The proper use of the mechanisms in place, namely, the subsidiarity checks, the political dialogue with the Commission and the inter-parliamentary cooperation with the European Parliament, has become of vital importance in view of recent developments in EU economic policy and beyond. The choice for increasing inter-governmentalism in decision-making and the centralisation of the implementing and supervisory powers in the Commission and the Central Bank have raised questions about political accountability and the appropriate involvement of parliaments. However, the extent to which national parliaments should be more involved is also rather controversial. This essay examines the difficulty of defining and addressing the question of the democratic legitimacy in the EU. It examines the role of the national parliaments in the treaties and explores ways in which they can contribute to improving that legitimacy.

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The European Council meeting on 7 and 8 February 2013 attracted an unusual level of attention from media and citizens. For a couple of days, Europe played a more important role in national politics and news. Sensation-frenzied media and excited politicians spouted notions of ‘a battle’, ‘winners’, ‘losers’ or ‘striking deals’, as if Europe had gone back to the time when its military powers still conflicted. After more than 24 hours of intense negotiations, the respective Member States leaders left Brussels with ‘good news’ for their citizens. However, those with more Euro-federalist feelings were left with a sense of non-accomplishment and missed opportunities, not only because the EU budget for the first time in history was set for a net decrease, but also because the European Council’s conclusions did not contain any ground-breaking changes to this system. Nevertheless, the European Parliament (EP) immediately reminded Europe about its role and outlined its conditions for further negotiations. Thus, the supporters of a modern and stronger EU budget still see a chance in the consent procedure and hope to shift the focus of the debate from the juste retour spirit to the consideration of the European common good. Is there still a chance for such a shift? What issues are at stake?

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‘Leading candidates’ competed for the European Commission Presidency in the campaign for the European elections in May 2014. This element of political contestation poses a challenge to the Union’s institutional design. This article investigates to what extent competing ‘leading candidates’ enhances the process of deliberation and party contestation and thus strengthen the role of European Parliament (EP) party groups. In light of the example of the ‘Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats’ and its ‘leading candidate’, Martin Schulz, it is shown that the election campaign did strive to be EU-wide. However, Schulz’s influence on internal party cohesion and coalition formation remained limited. Therefore the influence of an elected ‘leading candidate’ is regarded as a symbolic act, which could deepen the relationship between the EP and the Commission as well as strengthen the democratic and political standing of both institutions vis-à-vis the European Council.

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The objectives of the 2009 Lisbon Treaty (LT) include ways to improve the democratic and international images of the European Union (EU). The focus of the literature has so far focused on the overall treaty impact and on the EU´s international role. This paper considers instead its impact on the question of the democratic accountability of the EU´s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), including its Common Security and Defence Policy dimension (CSDP). This paper consists of three parts: (1) The first part describes the changes the LT has made for the European Parliament (EP) in terms of its external relations. (2) The second part presents the many deficits that the EU suffers from in its foreign, security and defence policies. (3) The third part offers a preliminary analysis of the recently created Inter-Parliamentary Conference (IPC) on CFSP/CSDP, which in addition to MEPs (EP members) includes parliamentarians from the national EU parliaments. The paper concludes that although the IPC is a positive development in trying to bridge those existing democratic gaps, it remains only a step in the right direction due to the existence of many such deficits in the foreign, security and defence policies of the EU and of its member states.

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This paper evaluates which factors influence the European Parliament’s decision-making, based on a case study: the 2012 proposal for a General Data Protection Regulation. Following a ‘competitive testing’ approach, six different hypotheses are successively challenged in order to explain why the EP adopted a fundamental rights- oriented position. The first three factors relate to the internal organization of the EP’s work, i.e. the role played by the lead committee, by the rapporteur and by secretariat officials. The last three factors are external-related, i.e. lobbying activities, outside events and institutional considerations. Based on the empirical findings, it is argued that even though the EP’s position is due to a range of various factors, some of them prove to be more relevant than others, in particular the rapporteur and lead committee’s roles. New institutionalism theories also provide a comprehensive explanation for the EP’s willingness to achieve a fundamental rights oriented outcome.

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O Estágio Pedagógico (EP) representa para os professores estagiários uma importante oportunidade para por em prática os conteúdos aprendidos ao longo da sua formação académica, e que servem de base para a sua intervenção enquanto profissional do ensino da Educação Física (EF). Através deste trabalho propomos-mos a apresentar, fundamentar e refletir o EP de EF realizado na Escola Básica dos 2º e 3º Ciclos Dr. Eduardo Brazão de Castro, ao longo do ano letivo 2012/2013. A prática letiva incluiu o planeamento, realização e controlo/avaliação de atividades físicas, da aptidão física e dos conhecimentos relativos aos processos de elevação e manutenção da aptidão física em duas turmas (7º2 e 12º PSI). Este domínio incluiu ainda a construção de um instrumento para a observação de aulas. Para além da atividade letiva, o EP englobou outras atividades, nas quais o papel do professor estagiário foi de grande relevo para a sua concretização. As atividades de integração no meio abrangeram a caracterização da turma, o estudo caso e a ação de extensão curricular, que promoveu a inter-relação entre professores, encarregados de educação e alunos em torno da promoção do desporto na natureza e da multidisciplinaridade. A atividade de intervenção na comunidade escolar destinou-se a toda a comunidade educativa e procurou promover a criação de hábitos de vida saudáveis, o desenvolvimento do espírito crítico, estético, cultural e a interação entre a Escola e a Comunidade. As atividades de natureza científico-pedagógica abordaram o ensino dos desportos de natureza na escola (ação individual) e a realização da avaliação diagnóstica em EF (ação coletiva), com o intuito de contribuir para a formação contínua dos professores de EF da Região. A realização do EP e de todas as atividades que o compõem revelou-se fundamental para a formação contínua do professor, na medida em que contribuiu para a preparação do mesmo para atuar perante múltiplas situações.

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O Estágio Pedagógico (EP) surge no âmbito do Mestrado em Ensino de Educação Física nos Ensinos Básico e Secundário e é o culminar de um longo percurso académico, que visa a obtenção de habilitação profissional para a docência. Este Relatório de Estágio teve por objetivos reportar e refletir sobre o conjunto de atividades desenvolvidas no EP: 1) Prática Letiva (PL); 2) Atividade de Intervenção na Comunidade Escolar (AICE), 3) Atividades de Integração no Meio (AIM); e 4) Atividades de Natureza Científico-Pedagógica (ANCP). Este EP foi realizado na Escola Básica e Secundária Gonçalves Zarco (EBSGZ), no ano letivo 2012/2013. A PL permitiu a implementação prática de muitas das competências didáticometodológicas apreendidas durante o percurso académico. As assistências às aulas permitiram observar a intervenção pedagógica dos professores, dando-lhes informações vitais sobre a sua prestação. A AIME foi composta por duas subatividades (“Futzarco 2013” e “GZ Workout Session”) e visou a prática generalizada da atividade física, bem como o convívio entre todos os membros da comunidade escolar. As AIM possibilitaram a aquisição de um maior conhecimento dos alunos e de toda a sua envolvência escolar e familiar, através da realização da Caracterização da Turma. Esta caracterização permitiu identificar uma aluna que apresentava fracos índices de aptidão física, sendo posteriormente convidada para participar no Estudo de Caso. A Atividade de Extensão Curricular, denominada “Zarco Sem Fronteiras” visou a envolvência de todos os elementos do processo educativo da turma. As ANCP centraram-se, nomeadamente, nos Sistemas Competitivos e na Avaliação dos Jogos Desportivos Coletivos e visaram sobretudo a partilha de conhecimentos entre os professores de Educação Física das várias escolas da Região Autónoma da Madeira. O EP foi deveras enriquecedor ao nível da evolução das práticas pedagógicas e permitiu a aquisição de competências que serão muito úteis num futuro profissional.

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During the Arctic Coring Expedition (ACEX), a 428-m-thick sequence of Upper Cretaceous to Quaternary sediments was penetrated. The mineralogical composition of the upper 300 m of this sequence is presented here for the first time. Heavy and clay mineral associations indicate a major and consistent shift in provenance, from the Barents-Kara - western Laptev Sea region, characterized by presence of common clinopyroxene, to the eastern Laptev-East Siberian seas in the upper part of the section, characterized by common hornblende (amphibole). Sea ice originating from the latter source region must have survived at least one summer melt cycle in order to reach the ACEX drill site, if considering modern sea ice trajectories and velocities. This shift in mineral assemblages probably represents the onset of a perennial sea ice cover in the Arctic Ocean, which occurred at about 13 Ma, thus suggesting a coeval freeze in the Arctic and Antarctic regions.

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The paper reports results of a study of clastic heavy mineral assemblages and geochemical features of some assemblages in several Permian-Mesozoic cherty and siliceous-clayey sequences of the Sikhote Alin Region. They are composed of pelagic and hemipelagic sediments of the Panthalassa (Paleopacific) Ocean. Four typical mineral assemblages and their environments are established. In one of the ocean segments, where the sedimentary cover formed during Late Paleozoic - Early Cretaceous, the Permian pelagic domain was characterized by the amphibole-pyroxene assemblage with heavy minerals derived from ophiolites. The Triassic-Jurassic stage was marked by development of the clinopyroxene assemblage with heavy minerals derived from intraplate alkaline volcanic complexes. Middle-Late Jurassic hemipelagic sediments host the zircon-clinopyroxene assemblage with greater role of continental environments and presence of volcanic products of the convergence zone. Another segment of the ocean accumulated red cherts and siliceous-clayey sediments during Jurassic - Early Cretaceous under influence of island-arc volcanism.

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In summer 2006 integrated geological, geochemical, hydrological, and hydrochemical studies were carried out in the relict anoxic Mogil'noe Lake (down to 16 m depths) located in the Kil'din Island in the Barents Sea. Chemical and grain size compositions of bottom sediments from the lake (permanently anoxic basin) and from the Baltic Sea deeps (periodically anoxic basins) were compared. Vertical location of the hydrogen sulfide layer boundary in the lake (9-11 m depths) was practically the same from 1974 up to now. Concentrations of suspended matter in the lake in June and July 2006 appeared to be close to its summer concentrations in seawater of the open Baltic Sea. Muds from the Mogil'noe Lake compared to those of the Baltic Sea deeps are characterized by fluid and flake consistency and by pronounced admixtures of sandy and silty fractions (probably of eolic origin). Lacustrine mud contains much plant remains; iron sulfides and vivianite were also found. Concentrations of 22 elements determined in lacustrine bottom sediments were of the same levels as those found here 33 years ago. Concentrations also appeared to be close to those in corresponding grain size types of bottom sediments in the Baltic Sea. Low C_org/N values (aver. 5.0) in muds of the Mogil'noe Lake compared to ones for muds of the Baltic Sea deeps (aver. 10) evidence considerable planktogenic component in organic matter composition of the lacustrine muds. No indications were reveled for anthropogenic contaminations of the lacustrine bottom sediments with toxic metals.