982 resultados para Communication policies


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This article aims to propose a chronological subdivision in the history of African communication. African communication today is one of the most important axes for implementing development strategies, sustaining education, health, and schooling programmes, and so on. However, many of these programmes fail due to a lack of or ineffective communication between international organisations, local elite and lay people. The reasons for this situation must be found in Africa’s history of communication, which has undergone radical transformations in its different phases. Using the functionalist analysis drawn up by Jakobson, this article proposes a new chronological subdivision of Africa’s history of communication, reflecting on the current contradictions in contemporary communication in Africa.

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The Interact System Model (ISM) developed by Fisher and Hawes (1971) for the analysis of face-to-face communication during small-group problem solving activities was used to study online communication. This tool proved to be of value in the analysis, but the conversation patterns reported by Fisher (1980) did not fully appear in the online environment. Participants displayed a habit of "being too polite" and not fully voicing their disagreements with ideas posed by others. Thus progress towards task completion was slow and incomplete.

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The “crisis of the social issue” in the EU has led to a certain consensus in the need to renew the organizational and institutional model of public administration. The core of the reform implies important administrative changes in most of the European welfare states. Those changes are inspired on theories such as the new public management, management by objectives or partnership. Such changes involve both semantic (“sharing responsibilities”, “effective costs”, or the substitution of “citizen under an administration” by “consumer”) and political (predominance of scattered forms of power and the individualization of responsibilities) transformations which operate in the framework of individuals and State relations. The paradigms of activation and flexicurity have been central in this public administration modernization project. This commitment with new forms of governance of social issues has important consequences for the political and moral foundations of social cohesion, and the Spanish case is not an exception. This paper aims at looking at those representations of “modernization” (as they appear in debates about the employment services restructuring policies) in detail as well as providing references to the trajectory of such reforms of public services since the early eighties to the beginning of the crisis.

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The aim of this paper is to study the recent changes on citizens’ satisfaction with the performance ofpublic services, in the period 2009-2011 in Spain. Using data from the surveys on Quality of PublicServices, developed by the Sociological Research Center jointly with the National Agency for theEvaluation of Public Services and Quality of Services, our results show that the level of satisfactionhas slightly increased, which seems to display a greater tendency to positively value public servicesduring economic retrenchment. A major determinant of high satisfaction is self-reported ideology.Besides, immigrants display higher levels of satisfaction than Spaniards.

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This article studies the gender values that are promoted both in the literacy courses for gypsy women beneficiaries of the Social Integration Revenue Policy of the Region of Madrid and in the events that are organized for this group by public institutions and NGOs. The process of “socialization” that occurs in the educative groups for Gypsy women is focused on constructing an image of what it is to be a “Gypsy modern woman”. Through multiple mechanisms and discursive techniques a specific conception of gender equality is transmitted in these educative spaces. In addition to this, Gypsy women are continually urged to assume certain values and social practices (of gender identity, of "citizenship", of parenting, etc..), while an archetype of "Gypsy Woman" which condenses powerful stereotypes and prejudices about the "Gypsy culture" and the gender relations characteristics of this group is constructed.

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The purpose of this article is to develop a methodological framework for analyzing Policy Coherence for Development (PCD). With this goal, we analyze different views of PCD in order to establish a comprehensive approach of Coherence adapted to globalization process. In this context, the article proposes a methodological framework based on four dimensions of analysis in CPD. In each dimen-sion, we set the areas and actors to investigate and we put forward research questions that could be use as a guide for a comprehensive approach to study PCD.

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El texto parte de una crítica a cómo los países colonizadores han usado los fantasmas del “desarrollo” y del “progreso” para dominar a los que consideraban países “atrasados”. En el debate del post-desarrollismo se recoge el Buen Vivir como una alternativa al desarrollo, no como una alternativa de desarrollo. El Buen vivir como practicas vivenciales de resistencia al colonialismo, y como una categoría central de los pueblos indígenas, pero no como una visión única. Su importancia toma cuerpo en varias Constituciones por que los límites bio-físicos de la naturaleza están siendo superados. Por esto es necesaria una nueva economía que respete los “derechos de la naturaleza”. Se relatan los diversos componentes que esta nueva economía puede tener para una transición paciente hacia el Buen Vivir.

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This article fi rst summarizes the structural reforms of pensions (total or partial privatization) in Latin America and Central and Eastern Europe, identifying their advantages and disadvantages, and does the same with the international process of re-reforms of pensions with a greater role of the state. Second, chooses Chile as a case study, as a world pioneer in both types of reforms; describes their characteristics and effects on social welfare of the structural reform of 1981 and the re-reform of 2008. Such effects are evaluated based on ten basic principles of social security from the International Labour Offi ce (ILO): 1) social dialogue to approve the reforms, 2) universal coverage of the population, 3) equal treatment of insured persons, 4) social solidarity, 5) gender equity, 6) suffi ciency of benefi ts, 7) effi ciency and reasonable administrative cost, 8) social participation in the management of the system, 9) role of the state and supervision, and 10) fi nancial sustainability. Third, it summarizes the advantages and disadvantages-challenges of the re-reform and informs on the current debate for further reforms.

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Several authors have applied the concept of Welfare Regimens for studying social policy in Latin America (Esping-Andersen, 1993 and 2000). Among others, Martínez Franzoni (2007) develops a typology, with fi eld work is at the turn of the millennium, and establishes three categories: State-productivist regime, state-protectionist and family orientated. Most countries in the region are placed in the latter category. The hypothesis of this article argues that with the emergence of governments considered “left” or “progressive” in several countries of the region from the late ‘90s and, more decisively, in 2000’, the map of welfare regimes models could have mutated substantively. The nationally transformative experiences are different (various socio-economic realities and political action in which they are located exists) but they have several contact points that can be summarized in a greater state intervention in different areas previously closed to their operating and recovery of important functions of welfare and care of the population by the government. The paper discusses with an exploratory and descriptive approach the welfare schemes that would shape in three countries that have constitutionalized the change from the neoliberal paradigm: Venezuela, Bolivia and Ecuador.