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Acknowledgements Many parties contributed to making this paper a reality. This research was supported by the European Social and Research Council, grant ESRC ES/K006428/1. The author is particularly grateful to the grant’s holder, Professor David Anderson from the Department of Anthropology, University of Aberdeen, for his various support throughout this research. The Barents Center of the Humanities at Kola Science Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences in Apatity provided important institutional support. Officials from several fisheries management institutions of Arkhangelsk oblast, including Shiriaev Igor Alekseevich from Dvinsko-Pechorskoe Territorial Management Board, Skovorod’ko Artem Aleksandrovich from the Northern Basin Directorate of Fisheries and Water Biological Resources Conservation (Sevrybvod) and Korotenkov Aleksei Anatol’evich from the Fishing Industry Agency of Arkhangelsk oblast were very supportive and shared their knowledge wherever possible. Scholars Studenov Igor Ivanovich and Stasenkov Vladimir Aleksandrovich at Northern branch of the Knipovich Polar Research Institute of Marine Fisheries and Oceanography (SevPINRO) in Arkhangelsk provided their invaluable expertise on marine fisheries. Chairmen of several fishing collective farms – Tuchin Sergei Viktorovich, Samoilov Sergei Nikolaevich and Seliverstova Marina Nikolaevna – offered a great administrative support. Local residents of several villages in Mezen region were extremely generous and hospitable, providing places to stay, warm clothes, food, endless cups of tea, and most valuably, sparing their time. Finally, Natalie Wahnsiedler was a regular companion during fieldwork and a great source of inspiration for this research.

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This thesis explores the theme of social paranoia as depicted in the Absurdist fiction of Cold War America and Soviet Russia. The central hypothesis informing this research maintains that, despite the ideology of moral and cultural “Otherness” constructed and reinforced by both nations throughout much of twentieth century, the US and the Soviet Union more often than not functioned as mirror images of paranoia and suspicion. Much of the fiction produced in Russia from the Revolution onwards and in the US during the Cold War period highlights how these two ostensibly irreconcilable nations were consumed by similar fears and gripped by an equally pervasive paranoia. These parallel conditions of anxiety and mistrust led to a surprising congruity of literary responses, which transcended the ideological divide between capitalism and communism and, as such, underscored the homogeny of fear which lay beneath the façade of constructed difference. I contend that, because Soviet Russia and the America of the Cold War period were nations consumed by fear and suspicion, authors living in both countries became preoccupied by the mechanics of such deeply paranoid societies. Consequently, much of the fiction of the US and the Soviet Union during this period was preoccupied with the themes of paranoia, conspiracy, intensive bureaucracy and the politicisation of science, which resulted in the terror of the Nuclear Age. This thesis explores how these central themes unite apparently diverse literary texts and illustrate the uniformity of terror which transcended both the physical and ideological boundaries separating the United States and the Soviet Union. In doing so, this research focuses primarily on the multi-faceted manifestations of paranoia in selected works by Soviet authors Mikhail Bulgakov, Daniil Kharms and Yuli Daniel, and American authors Joseph Heller, Thomas Pynchon and Kurt Vonnegut. Focusing on key works by each author, this research considers these texts as products of two culturally diverse, yet equally paranoid societies and explores their preoccupation with issues of spying, infiltration and conspiracy. This thesis thus emphasises how these authors counter simplistic notions of Cold War Otherness by revealing two nations possessed by a similar sense of vulnerability and insecurity. Furthermore, this thesis examines how this social anxiety is reinforced by the way in which these authors position issues such as the mechanics of the bureaucratic system and clandestine scientific experimentation as the focal point of the paranoid imagination. Ultimately, by examining the concordance of paranoiac representation in America and the Soviet Union during this period, I demonstrate that these ostensibly divergent nations harboured similar fears and insecurities.

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New pollen and radiocarbon data from an 8.6-m coastal section, Cape Shpindler (69°43' N; 62°48' E), Yugorski Peninsula, document the latest Pleistocene and Holocene environmental history of this low Arctic region. Twelve AMS 14C dates indicate that the deposits accumulated since about 13,000 until 2000 radiocarbon years BP. A thermokarst lake formed ca. 13,000-12,800 years BP, when scarce arctic tundra vegetation dominated the area. By 12,500 years BP, a shallow lake existed at the site, and Arctic tundra with Poaceae, Cyperaceae, Salix, Saxifraga, and Artemisia dominated nearby vegetation. Climate was colder than today. Betula nana became dominant during the Early Preboreal period about 9500 years BP, responding to a warm event, which was one of the warmest during the Holocene. Decline in B. nana and Salix after 9500 years BP reflects a brief event of Preboreal cooling. A subsequent increase in Betula and Alnus fruticosa pollen percentages reflects amelioration of environmental conditions at the end of Preboreal period (ca. 9300 years BP). A decline in arboreal taxa later, with a dramatic increase in herb taxa, reflects a short cold event at about 9200 years BP. The pollen data reflect a northward movement of tree birch, peaking at the middle Boreal period, around 8500 years BP. Open Betula forest existed on the Kara Sea coast of the Yugorski Peninsula during the Atlantic period (8000-4500 years BP), indicating that climate was significantly warmer than today. Deteriorating climate around the Atlantic-Subboreal boundary (ca. 4500 years BP) is recorded by a decline in Betula percentages. Sedimentation slowed at the site, and processes of denudation and/or soil formation started at the beginning of the Subatlantic period, when vegetation cover on Yugorski Peninsula shifted to near-modern assemblages.

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A number of studies have shown that Fourier transform infrared spectroscopy (FTIR) can be applied to quantitatively assess lacustrine sediment constituents. In this study, we developed calibration models based on FTIR for the quantitative determination of biogenic silica (BSi; n = 420; gradient: 0.9-56.5%), total organic carbon (TOC; n = 309; gradient: 0-2.9%), and total inorganic carbon (TIC; n= 152; gradient: 0-0.4%) in a 318 m-long sediment record with a basal age of 3.6 million years from Lake El'gygytgyn, Far East Russian Arctic. The developed partial least squares (PLS) regression models yield high cross-validated (CV) R2CV = 0.86-0.91 and low root mean square error of cross-validation (RMSECV) (3.1-7.0% of the gradient for the different properties). By applying these models to 6771 samples from the entire sediment record, we obtained detailed insight into bioproductivity variations in Lake El'gygytgyn throughout the middle to late Pliocene and Quaternary. High accumulation rates of BSi indicate a productivity maximum during the middle Pliocene (3.6-3.3 Ma), followed by gradually decreasing rates during the late Pliocene and Quaternary. The average BSi accumulation during the middle Pliocene was ~3 times higher than maximum accumulation rates during the past 1.5 million years. The indicated progressive deterioration of environmental and climatic conditions in the Siberian Arctic starting at ca. 3.3 Ma is consistent with the first occurrence of glacial periods and the finally complete establishment of glacial-interglacial cycles during the Quaternary.

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The reliability of Arctic climate predictions is currently hampered by insufficient knowledge of natural climate variability in the past. A sediment core from Lake El'gygytgyn (NE Russia) provides a continuous high-resolution record from the Arctic spaning the past 2.8 Ma. The core reveals numerous "super interglacials" during the Quaternary, with maximum summer temperatures and annual precipitation during marine benthic isotope stages (MIS) 11c and 31 ~4-5 °C and ~300 mm higher than those of MIS 1 and 5e. Climate simulations show these extreme warm conditions are difficult to explain with greenhouse gas and astronomical forcing alone, implying the importance of amplifying feedbacks and far field influences. The timing of Arctic warming relative to West Antarctic Ice Sheet retreats implies strong interhemispheric climate connectivity.

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Understanding the evolution of Arctic polar climate from the protracted warmth of the middle Pliocene into the earliest glacial cycles in the Northern Hemisphere has been hindered by the lack of continuous, highly resolved Arctic time series. Evidence from Lake El'gygytgyn, NE Arctic Russia, shows that 3.6-3.4 million years ago, summer temperatures were ~8°C warmer than today when pCO2 was ~400 ppm. Multiproxy evidence suggests extreme warmth and polar amplification during the middle Pliocene, sudden stepped cooling events during the Pliocene-Pleistocene transition, and warmer than present Arctic summers until ~2.2 Ma, after the onset of Northern Hemispheric glaciation. Our data are consistent with sea-level records and other proxies indicating that Arctic cooling was insufficient to support large-scale ice sheets until the early Pleistocene.

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According to Solitander C. P., the extraction of lake ore from Eastern Finland lakes considerably rose in the 1870 - 1880 period in relation with the increasing demand from the ironworks being operated in the region. In St. Petersburg, Nicholas Putiloff, a business tycoon and State Minister owned the Haapakosken, Huutokosken and Oravin ironworks which were using 99% of lake ore for their supply. During this period the biggest production came from lake Sysmäjärvi in the Joroinen county with 3676 tonnes at an average concentration of 35.94% Fe, 4.55% Mn, 0.26% P and 0.04% S. The Värtsilä ironworks used the lake ore coming from 49 lakes, the biggest production coming from lake Loitimojärvi with 14535 tonnes of ore with a medium at concentration of 30.8% Fe. Möhkö ironworks took advantage of the 59 lakes, the largest of which was from lake Koitere with 4301 tonnes at 41.3% Fe. The Karttula ironworks were also significant in the consumption of ferromanganese lake ore.

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