951 resultados para political legal environment
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This paper considers the role which selfish, moral and social incentives and pressures play in explaining the extent to which stated choices over pro-environment behaviours vary across individuals. The empirical context is choices over household waste contracts and recycling actions in Poland. A theoretical model is used to show how cost-based motives and the desire for a positive self- and social image combine to determine the utility from alternative choices of recycling behaviour. We then describe a discrete choice experiment designed to empirically investigate the effects such drivers have on stated choices. Using a latent class model, we distinguish three types of individual who are described as duty-orientated recyclers, budget recyclers and homo oeconomicus. These groups vary in their preferences for how frequently waste is collected, and the number of categories into which household waste must be recycled. Our results have implications for the design of future policies aimed at improving participation in recycling schemes.
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This paper provides a general treatment of the implications for welfare of legal uncertainty. We distinguish legal uncertainty from decision errors: though the former can be influenced by the latter, the latter are neither necessary nor sufficient for the existence of legal uncertainty. We show that an increase in decision errors will always reduce welfare. However, for any given level of decision errors, information structures involving more legal uncertainty can improve welfare. This holds always, even when there is complete legal uncertainty, when sanctions on socially harmful actions are set at their optimal level. This transforms radically one’s perception about the “costs” of legal uncertainty. We also provide general proofs for two results, previously established under restrictive assumptions. The first is that Effects-Based enforcement procedures may welfare dominate Per Se (or object-based) procedures and will always do so when sanctions are optimally set. The second is that optimal sanctions may well be higher under enforcement procedures involving more legal uncertainty.
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In this paper we make three contributions to the literature on optimal Competition Law enforcement procedures. The first (which is of general interest beyond competition policy) is to clarify the concept of “legal uncertainty”, relating it to ideas in the literature on Law and Economics, but formalising the concept through various information structures which specify the probability that each firm attaches – at the time it takes an action – to the possibility of its being deemed anti-competitive were it to be investigated by a Competition Authority. We show that the existence of Type I and Type II decision errors by competition authorities is neither necessary nor sufficient for the existence of legal uncertainty, and that information structures with legal uncertainty can generate higher welfare than information structures with legal certainty – a result echoing a similar finding obtained in a completely different context and under different assumptions in earlier Law and Economics literature (Kaplow and Shavell, 1992). Our second contribution is to revisit and significantly generalise the analysis in our previous paper, Katsoulacos and Ulph (2009), involving a welfare comparison of Per Se and Effects- Based legal standards. In that analysis we considered just a single information structure under an Effects-Based standard and also penalties were exogenously fixed. Here we allow for (a) different information structures under an Effects-Based standard and (b) endogenous penalties. We obtain two main results: (i) considering all information structures a Per Se standard is never better than an Effects-Based standard; (ii) optimal penalties may be higher when there is legal uncertainty than when there is no legal uncertainty.
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In line with global changes, the UK regulatory regime for audit and corporate governance has changed significantly since the Enron scandal, with an increased role for audit committees and independent inspection of audit firms. UK listed company chief financial officers (CFOs), audit committee chairs (ACCs) and audit partners (APs) were surveyed in 2007 to obtain views on the impact of 36 economic and regulatory factors on audit quality. 498 usable responses were received, representing a response rate of 36%. All groups rated various audit committee interactions with auditors among the factors most enhancing audit quality. Exploratory factor analysis reduces the 36 factors to nine uncorrelated dimensions. In order of extraction, these are: economic risk; audit committee activities; risk of regulatory action; audit firm ethics; economic independence of auditor; audit partner rotation; risk of client loss; audit firm size; and, lastly, International Standards on Auditing (ISAs) and audit inspection. In addition to the activities of the audit committee, risk factors for the auditor (both economic and certain regulatory risks) are believed to most enhance audit quality. However, ISAs and the audit inspection regime, aspects of the ‘standards-surveillance compliance’ regulatory system, are viewed as less effective. Respondents commented that aspects of the changed regime are largely process and compliance driven, with high costs for limited benefits, supporting psychological bias regulation theory that claims there is overconfidence that a useful regulatory intervention exists.
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I model the link between political regime and level of diversification following a windfall of natural resource revenues. The explanatory variables I make use of are the political support functions embedded within each type of regime and the disparate levels of discretion, openness, transparency, and accountability of government. I show that a democratic government seeks to maximize the long-term consumption path of the representative consumer, in order to maximize its chances of re-election, while an authoritarian government, in the absence of any electoral mechanism of accountability, seeks to buy off and entrench a group of special interests loyal to the government and potent enough to ensure its short-term survival. Essentially the contrast in the approaches towards resource rent distribution comes down to a variation in political weights on aggregate welfare and rentierist special interests endogenized by distinct political support functions.
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This article investigates the history of land and water transformations in Matadepera, a wealthy suburb of metropolitan Barcelona. Analysis is informed by theories of political ecology and methods of environmental history; although very relevant, these have received relatively little attention within ecological economics. Empirical material includes communications from the City Archives of Matadepera (1919-1979), 17 interviews with locals born between 1913 and 1958, and an exhaustive review of grey historical literature. Existing water histories of Barcelona and its outskirts portray a battle against natural water scarcity, hard won by heroic engineers and politicians acting for the good of the community. Our research in Matadepera tells a very different story. We reveal the production of a highly uneven landscape and waterscape through fierce political and power struggles. The evolution of Matadepera from a small rural village to an elite suburb was anything but spontaneous or peaceful. It was a socio-environmental project well intended by landowning elites and heavily fought by others. The struggle for the control of water went hand in hand with the land and political struggles that culminated – and were violently resolved - in the Spanish Civil War. The displacement of the economic and environmental costs of water use from few to many continues to this day and is constitutive of Matadepera’s uneven and unsustainable landscape. By unravelling the relations of power that are inscribed in the urbanization of nature (Swyngedouw, 2004), we question the perceived wisdoms of contemporary water policy debates, particularly the notion of a natural scarcity that merits a technical or economic response. We argue that the water question is fundamentally a political question of environmental justice; it is about negotiating alternative visions of the future and deciding whose visions will be produced.
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This note reviews the political-scientific literature on European competition policy (ECP) in the 2000s. Based on a data set extracted from four well-known journals, and using an upfront methodology and explicit criteria, it analyzes the literature both quantitatively and qualitatively. On the quantitative side, it shows that, although a few sub-policy areas are still neglected, ECP is not the under-researched policy it used to be. On the qualitative side, the literature has greatly improved since the 1990s: Almost all articles now present a clear research question, and most advance specific theoretical claims/hypotheses. Yet, improvements can be made on research design, statistical testing, and, above all, state-of-the-art theorizing (e.g. in the game-theoretical treatment of delegation problems). Indeed, it is paradoxical that ECP specialists do not pay more attention to theoretical questions which are so central to the actual policy area they study.
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Rapport de synthèse : Cette recherche s'intéresse (1) au port et à l'utilisation d'armes chez les adolescents ainsi que (2) aux rôles des facteurs environnementaux et individuels dans la violence juvénile. Les données étaient tirés de SMASH 2002 (Swiss multicenter adolescent survey on health 2002), étude dans laquelle un échantillon représentatif de 7548 étudiants et apprentis âgés entre 16 et 20 ans vivant en Suisse ont été interrogés Dans une première étude, les adolescents ayant porté une arme (couteau, masse, coup de poing américain, pistolet/autre arme à feu, spray) durant l'année précédant l'enquête étaient comparés avec ceux n'ayant pas porté d'arme. Ensuite, dans le sous-échantillon de porteurs d'armes, ceux ayant uniquement porté l'arme étaient comparés avec ceux ayant utilisé une arme dans une bagarre. Des facteurs individuels, familiaux, scolaires et sociaux ont été étudiés à l'aide d'analyses bivariées et multivariées. 13.7% des jeunes vivant en Suisse ont porté une arme dans l'année précédant l'enquête. 6.2% des filles porteuses d'armes et 19.9% des garçons porteurs d'armes ont fait usage de l'arme dans une bagarre. Chez les garçons et chez les filles, les porteurs d'armes étaient plus souvent délinquants et victimes de violence physique. Les garçons porteurs d'armes étaient plus souvent des apprentis, à la recherche de sensations fortes, porteurs de tatouages, avaient une mauvaise relation avec leurs parents, étaient dans des bagarres sous l'influence de substances, et avaient des relations sexuelles à risque. En comparaison avec les porteuses d'armes, les filles utilisatrices d'armes étaient plus souvent fumeuses quotidiennes. Les garçons ayant utilisé leur arme étaient plus souvent nés à l'étranger, vivaient dans un milieu urbain, étaient des apprentis, avaient un mauvais contexte scolaire, avaient des relations sexuelles à risque et étaient impliqués dans des bagarres sous l'influence de substances. Nos résultats montrent que porter une arme est un comportement relativement fréquent chez les adolescents vivant en Suisse et qu'une proportion non négligeable de ces porteurs d'armes ont utilisé l'arme dans une bagarre. De ce fait, une discussion sur le port d'arme devrait être incluse dans l'entretien clinique ainsi que dans les programmes de prévention visant les adolescents. Dans une deuxième étude, la violence juvénile était définie comme présente si l'adolescent avait commis au moins un des quatre délits suivants durant l'année précédant l'enquête: attaquer un adulte, arracher ou voler quelque chose, porter une arme ou utiliser une arme dans une bagarre. Des niveaux écologiques étaient testés et résultaient en un modèle à trois niveaux pour les garçons (niveau individuel, niveau classe et niveau école) et, à cause d'une faible prévalence de la violence chez les filles, en un modèle à un niveau (individuel) pour les filles. Des variables dépendantes étaient attribuées à chaque niveau, en se basant sur la littérature. Le modèle multiniveaux des garçons montrait que le niveau école (10%) et le niveau classe (24%) comptaient pour plus d'un tiers de la variance inter-individuelle dans le comportement violent. Les facteurs associés à ce comportement chez les filles étaient être victime de violence physique et la recherche de sensations fortes. Pour les garçons, les facteurs explicatifs de la violence étaient pratiquer des relations sexuelles à risque, être à la recherche de sensations fortes, être victime de violence physique, avoir une mauvaise relation avec les parents, être déprimé et vivre dans une famille monoparentale au niveau individuel, la violence et les actes antisociaux au niveau de la classe et être apprenti au niveau de l'école. Des interventions au niveau de la classe ainsi qu'un règlement explicit en ce qui concerne la violence et d'autres comportements à risque dans des écoles devraient être prioritaires pour la prévention de la violence chez les adolescents. En outre, la prévention devrait tenir compte des différences entre les sexes.
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The remarkable increase in trade flows and in migratory flows of highly educated people are two important features of globalization of the last decades. This paper extends a two-country model of inter- and intraindustry trade to a rich environment featuring technological differences, skill differences and the possibility of international labor mobility. The model is used to explain the patterns of trade and migration as countries remove barriers to trade and to labor mobility. We parameterize the model to match the features of the Western and Eastern European members of the EU and analyze first the effects of the trade liberalization which occured between 1989 and 2004, and then the gains and losses from migration which are expected to occur if legal barriers to labor mobility are substantially reduced. The lower barriers to migration would result in significant migration of skilled workers from Eastern European countries. Interestingly, this would not only benefit the migrants and most Western European workers but, via trade, it would also benefit the workers remaining in Eastern Europe. Key Words: Skilled Migration, Gains from Variety, Real Wages, Eastern-Western Europe. JEL Codes: F12, F22, J61.
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The STEP HIV vaccine trial, which evaluated a replication-defective adenovirus type 5 (Ad5) vector vaccine, was recently stopped. The reasons for this included lack of efficacy of the vaccine and a twofold increase in the incidence of HIV acquisition among vaccinated recipients with increased Ad5-neutralizing antibody titers compared with placebo recipients. To model the events that might be occurring in vivo, the effect on dendritic cells (DCs) of Ad5 vector alone or treated with neutralizing antiserum (Ad5 immune complexes [IC]) was compared. Ad5 IC induced more notable DC maturation, as indicated by increased CD86 expression, decreased endocytosis, and production of tumor necrosis factor and type I interferons. We found that DC stimulation by Ad5 IC was mediated by the Fcgamma receptor IIa and Toll-like receptor 9 interactions. DCs treated with Ad5 IC also induced significantly higher stimulation of Ad5-specific CD8 T cells equipped with cytolytic machinery. In contrast to Ad5 vectors alone, Ad5 IC caused significantly enhanced HIV infection in DC-T cell cocultures. The present results indicate that Ad5 IC activates a DC-T cell axis that, together with the possible persistence of the Ad5 vaccine in seropositive individuals, may set up a permissive environment for HIV-1 infection, which could account for the increased acquisition of HIV-1 infection among Ad5 seropositive vaccine recipients.
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The 18th century "sexual revolution" can not simply be explained as a consequence of economic or institutional factors - industrialization, agricultural revolution, secularization or legal hindrances to marriages: the example of western Valais (Switzerland) shows that we have to deal with a complex configuration of factors The micro-historical approach reveals that in the 18th and 19th century sexuality - and above all illicit sexuality - was a highly subversive force which was considerably linked to political innovation and probably more generally to historical change. Non-marital sexuality was clearly tied to political dissent ant to innovative ways of behaviour, both among the social elites and the common people. This behaviour patterns influenced crucial evolutions in the social, cultural and economic history of the region.