947 resultados para empty sella


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Small printed daily pocket journal repurposed by both John and Hannah between 1766 and 1779 to record household accounts including livestock pasturing, income received, and payments to servants, merchants, and tradesmen for food, livestock, clothing, linen, etc. Many of the pages are unused. The January-April pages contain account records from 1766-1779, one page in June has a few accounting notes from September 1779, the rest of June-November is empty, and three books are listed on a November page. The last three calendar pages contain lists of books in Hannah's handwriting dated 1773 and August 1768.

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Small printed daily pocket journal repurposed by both John and Hannah between 1766 and 1779 to record household accounts including livestock pasturing, income received, and payments to servants, merchants, and tradesmen for food, livestock, clothing, linen, etc. Many of the pages are unused. The January-April pages contain account records from 1766-1779, one page in June has a few accounting notes from September 1779, the rest of June-November is empty, and three books are listed on a November page. The last three calendar pages contain lists of books in Hannah's handwriting dated 1773 and August 1768.

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The text starts with a praise of the Sultan Abdülhamid and his governor Osman Nuri Paşa. Then it discusses the necessity of obedience to the Sultan and the authorities from a religious point of view. It then touches briefly on several ethical issues. The text may or may not be complete at the end.

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The thousands of books and articles on Charles de Gaulle's policy toward European integration, whether written by historians, social scientists, or commentators, universally accord primary explanatory importance to the General's distinctive geopolitical ideology. In explaining his motivations, only secondary significance, if any at all, is attached to commercial considerations. This paper seeks to reverse this historiographical consensus by examining the four major decisions toward European integration during de Gaulle's presidency: the decisions to remain in the Common Market in 1958, to propose the Foucher Plan in the early 1960s, to veto British accession to the EC, and to provoke the "empty chair" crisis in 1965-1966, resulting in the "Luxembourg Compromise." In each case, the overwhelming bulk of the primary evidence-speeches, memoirs, or government documents-suggests that de Gaulle's primary motivation was economic, not geopolitical or ideological. Like his predecessors and successors, de Gaulle sought to promote French industry and agriculture by establishing protected markets for their export products. This empirical finding has three broader implications: (1) For those interesred in the European Union, it suggests that regional integration has been driven primarily by economic, not geopolitical considerations--even in the "least likely" case. (2) For those interested in the role of ideas in foreign policy, it suggests that strong interest groups in a democracy limit the impact of a leader's geopolitical ideology--even where the executive has very broad institutional autonomy. De Gaulle was a democratic statesman first and an ideological visionary second. (3) For those who employ qualitative case-study methods, it suggests that even a broad, representative sample of secondary sources does not create a firm basis for causal inference. For political scientists, as for historians, there is in many cases no reliable alternative to primary-source research.

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The July 2013 European Council recommendations to the euro area recognise a number of fiscal and macrostructural challenges, but do not fully exploit the options made possible by the European economic governance framework. There are particular problems with the Council's suggestions for the euro area as whole, which are not (or not adequately) reflected by the country-specific recommendations. A major drawback is that the Council recommendations do not give sufficient importance to symmetric intra-euro area adjustments. Reference to the euro area's ‘aggregate fiscal stance’ is empty rhetoric. Insufficient attention is paid to demand management. The most comprehensive recommendations are made on structural reforms. The July/August 2013 Article IV IMF recommendations on macroeconomic policies could also have been more ambitious, but they correspond better to the economic situation of the euro area than the Council’s recommendations. The President of the Eurogroup should continue discussions on the completion of the economic governance framework, including completion of the banking union and the setting-up of a euro-area institution responsible for managing the euro area’s aggregate fiscal stance.

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The thousands of books and articles on Charles de Gaulle's policy toward European integration, whether written by historians, political scientists, or commentators, universally accord primary explanatory importance to the General's distinctive geopolitical ideology. In explaining his motivations, only secondary significance, if any at all, is attached to commercial considerations. This paper seeks to reverse this historiographical consensus by the four major decisions toward European integration taken under de Gaulle's Presidency: the decisions to remain in the Common Market in 1958, to propose the Fouchet Plan in the early 1960s, to veto British accession to the EC, and to provoke the "empty chair" crisis in 1965-1966, resulting in Luxembourg Compromise. In each case, the overwhelming bulk of the primary evidence speeches, memoirs, or government documents suggests that de Gaulle's primary motivation was economic, not geopolitical or ideological. Like his predecessors and successors, de Gaulle sought to promote French industry and agriculture by establishing protected markets for their export products. This empirical finding has three broader implications: (1) For those interested in the European Union, it suggests that regional integration has been driven primarily by economic, not geopolitical considerations even in the least likely case. (2) For those interested in the role of ideas in foreign policy, it suggests that strong interest groups in a democracy limit the impact of a leaders geopolitical ideology even where the executive has very broad institutional autonomy. De Gaulle was a democratic statesman first and an ideological visionary second. (3) For those who employ qualitative case-study methods, it suggests that even a broad, representative sample of secondary sources does not create a firm basis for causal inference. For political scientists, as for historians, there is in many cases no reliable alternative to primary source research.

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The upcoming 21-22 May Eastern Partnership (EaP) Riga Summit will take place against the backdrop of the new geopolitical reality in the EU’s Eastern neighbourhood, in the aftermath of Russia’s annexation of Crimea and ongoing war in Eastern Ukraine. Given the extremely complex geopolitical context, the importance of the Summit and the message it delivers to the partner countries – particularly to Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova, which have made European integration their foreign policy goal – cannot be underestimated. The Summit needs to send a strong, unambiguous signal reconfirming the EU’s commitment to the EaP, and offer a clear roadmap for the future. If the Summit turns out to be a non-event, with an empty declaration, it risks being perceived as rewarding the bullying policies of Russia.

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Since the beginning of its existence in the form of communities, this entity faced a lot of challenges that could had been stopped the European dream without the fast, prompt and appropriate reaction of the decision makers. There were a lot of difficult times in its history of more than 60 years but the ambition and need of going forward on the way of integration prevailed and today we can talk about European Union as one of the most important global players, having one of the most complex and fascinating political systems. The tenacity and the willing to succeed off the decision makers made this possible. Moments like “The Empty Chair Crisis“, changes with regards to the decision- making process, convenient for ones but inconvenient for the others, lack of consensus with regards to the new accessions, the big changes that Europe went through in the late 80s etc. showed that the decision makers can have an appropriate response whatever the problem would be and that we must stay together and go on dreaming to a united nation in the form of a federation. Nowadays we are facing maybe the most difficult moment in European Union history. Many of the member states were and still are on the edge. A lot of immediate and prompt actions were taken since the start of financial crisis, either political or economic, drove by the need of going on. We are too much into the integration process, too much dependent one of each other so that we cannot stop and simply go back only to the concept of national state.

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The first edition of this new multi-authored publication entitled ‘Migration Panorama’ focuses on the consequences of the refugee and migration crisis on the Schengen area and the concept of a borderless union. Several external and EPC authors have contributed to building a comprehensive picture on the manifold challenges and possible consequences of maintaining and/or returning to internal border controls among Schengen countries. How does a signatory of the Schengen agreement see the current developments? What would be the impact of the reintroduction of physical borders on Europe’s digital economy? In what way do the V4 countries envisage to solve the ‘Schengen crisis’? How dangerous are the empty threats to expel Greece out of the Schengen area? What is the symbolic meaning of the Belgian border controls following the French decision to dismantle parts of the Calais ‘jungle’? Is saving Schengen only a question of national sovereignty or a matter of shared European responsibility? All these questions and many others are tackled in this first issue of the ‘Migration Panorama’ produced by EPC’ s Migration and Diversity Programme.

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La sostituzione totale di caviglia o artroplastica totale di caviglia (Total Ankle Replacement - TAR) è un'operazione eseguita per sostituire le superfici di contatto delle ossa di tibia e astragalo mediante componenti protesiche e sta diventando una comune procedura chirurgica per il trattamento dell’ultimo stadio di osteoartrite di caviglia. La morfologia articolare della caviglia e la relativa cinematica sono molto complesse. Gli attuali dispositivi per TAR soffrono ancora di alti tassi di insoddisfazione e fallimento, probabilmente a causa dei relativi disegni protesici non pienamente rispettosi della normale morfologia di caviglia e del normale trasferimento dei carichi articolari. Recentemente, è stato proposto un nuovo disegno basato su un originale postulato che approssima la superficie articolare talare in modo maggiormente fisiologico, come un tronco di cono a sella con apice diretto lateralmente. L'obiettivo di questa tesi di laurea è di valutare sperimentalmente, mediante il supporto del navigatore chirurgico, il comportamento cinematico derivante dall’impianto del dispositivo TAR basato sul nuovo postulato e di confrontarlo con la cinematica derivante dalla caviglia intatta e derivante da modelli protesici basati sui disegni più comunemente utilizzati. Dieci arti inferiori da cadavere con caviglie intatte e normali, sono state scansionati via CT. Le immagini di caviglia sono state poi segmentate per la produzione dei modelli virtuali articolari. Questi sono stati prodotti sia basandosi sul nuovo postulato sia su quelli standard, e successivamente stampati in materiale plastico via 3D-printing. I risultati ottenuti a seguito di elaborazioni confermano che il nuovo dispositivo sembra riprodurre meglio rispetto agli altri, il fisiologico comportamento funzionale della caviglia, presentando valori prossimi a quelli della caviglia naturale.

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BACKGROUND The Kato-Katz technique is recommended for the diagnosis of helminth infections in epidemiological surveys, drug efficacy studies and monitoring of control interventions. We assessed the comparability of the average amount of faeces generated by three Kato-Katz templates included in test kits from two different providers. METHODS Nine hundred Kato-Katz thick smear preparations were done; 300 per kit. Empty slides, slides plus Kato-Katz template filled with stool and slides plus stool after careful removal of the template were weighed to the nearest 0.1 mg. The average amount of stool that was generated on the slide was calculated for each template, stratified by standard categories of stool consistency (i.e. mushy, soft, sausage-shaped, hard and clumpy). RESULTS The average amount of stool generated on slides was 40.7 mg (95 % confidence interval (CI): 40.0-41.4 mg), 40.3 mg (95 % CI: 39.7-40.9 mg) and 42.8 mg (95 % CI: 42.2-43.3 mg) for the standard Vestergaard Frandsen template, and two different templates from the Chinese Center for Disease Control and Prevention (China CDC), respectively. Mushy stool resulted in considerably lower average weights when the Vestergaard Frandsen (37.0 mg; 95 % CI: 34.9-39.0 mg) or new China CDC templates (37.4 mg; 95 % CI: 35.9-38.9 mg) were used, compared to the old China CDC template (42.2 mg; 95 % CI: 40.7-43.7 mg) and compared to other stool consistency categories. CONCLUSION The average amount of stool generated by three specific Kato-Katz templates was similar (40.3-42.8 mg). Since the multiplication factor is somewhat arbitrary and small changes only have little effect on infection intensity categories, it is suggested that the standard multiplication factor of 24 should be kept for the calculation of eggs per gram of faeces for all investigated templates.

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The responses of larger (>50 µm in diameter) protozooplankton groups to a phytoplankton bloom induced by in situ iron fertilization (EisenEx) in the Polar Frontal Zone (PFZ) of the Southern Ocean in austral spring are presented. During the 21 days of the experiment, samples were collected from seven discrete depths in the upper 150 m inside and outside the fertilized patch for the enumeration of acantharia, foraminifera, radiolaria, heliozoa, tintinnid ciliates and aplastidic thecate dinoflagellates. Inside the patch, acantharian numbers increased twofold, but only negligibly in surrounding waters. This finding is of major interest, since acantharia are suggested to be involved in the formation of barite (BaSO_4 ) found in sediments and which is a palaeoindicator of both ancient and modern high productivity regimes. Foraminifera increased significantly in abundance inside and outside the fertilized patch. However the marked increase of juveniles after a full moon event suggests a lunar periodicity in the reproduction cycle of some foraminiferan species rather than a reproductive response to enhanced food availability. In contrast, adult radiolaria showed no clear trend during the experiment, but juveniles increased threefold indicating elevated reproduction. Aplastidic thecate dinoflagellates almost doubled in numbers and biomass, but also increased outside the patch. Tintinnid numbers decreased twofold, although biomass remained constant due to a shift in the size spectrum. Empty tintinnid loricae, however, increased by a factor of two indicating that grazing pressure on this group mainly by copepods intensified during EisenEx. The results show that iron-fertilization experiments can shed light on the biology and the role of these larger protists in pelagic ecosystem which will improve their use as proxies in palaeoceanography.