963 resultados para constitutional complaint


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Ecuador’s total population numbers some 15,682,792 inhabitants, and includes 14 nationalities accounting for around 1,100,000 people, all joined together in a series of local, regional and national organisations. 60.3% of the Andean Kichwa live in six provinces in the Central-North Mountains; 24.1% live in the Amazon region and belong to ten nationalities; 7.3% live in the Southern Mountains; and the remaining 8.3% live in the Coastal region and the Galapagos Islands. 78.5% still live in rural areas and 21.5% in urban areas. The current Constitution of the Republic recognises the country as a “…constitutional state of law and social justice, democratic, sovereign, independent, unitary, intercultural, multinational and secular”. Over the last five years, the country has undergone a series of political and institutional reforms. At the same time, however, enforcing and guaranteeing the collective rights recognised in the Constitution has become a challenge to the process, and a permanent point of disagreement between the government, headed by the economist Rafael Correa, and the indigenous social organisations. The government’s economic action has been largely marked by an opening up of the extractive industries - oil, copper and gold - to foreign investment, either of Chinese or Belarussian origin, or from other Latin American countries such as Brazil, Chile or Argentina. This has resulted in risk to and impacts on the territorial and cultural integrity of various indigenous peoples, and an uncertainty created around the true validity of the broad collective rights enshrined in the Constitution.

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Este trabajo analiza el legado de las Cortes de Cádiz y de la Constitución de 1812 en Cuenca entre 1812 y 1814. Estudia los principales cambios políticos relacionados con los derechos de diversos actores sociales, así como el rompimiento de antiguas formas de relación social. Los cambios políticos se relacionaron con la introducción de nuevos conceptos y prácticas como ciudadanía, soberanía, elección y representación, tanto en el mundo criollomestizo como en el indígena (población cañari) de la provincia. Se analiza la abolición del tributo indígena, el servicio personal y la mita, además se estudian algunos cambios administrativopolíticos como la creación de los ayuntamientos constitucionales, las diputaciones provinciales y nacionales.

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Consiste en un estudio desde el ordenamiento constitucional español del marco hacendístico autonómico y local en perspectiva nacional, contrastado con el desarrollo legal vigente en la materia y que propicia, en el contexto de la descentralización fiscal, la revisión del principio de corresponsabilidad fiscal a la hora de examinar las prerrogativas de orden financiero de estos niveles de gobierno.

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La descentralización fiscal ha tenido un mejor desarrollo relativo si se la compara con la descentralización administrativa de la que es su complemento, se pueden mostrar resultados visibles en dos escenarios que forman parte de su contenido esencial: por una parte, la transferencia de recursos del presupuesto general del Estado a favor de los gobiernos autónomos descentralizados que observan los criterios de asignación contemplados en la Constitución, ha logrado definir el sistema de transferencia de recursos que cumple con sus características esenciales: ser predecible, automática y oportuna. Por otra parte, está el sistema impositivo subnacional que, con su base constitucional, se ha desarrollado en la legislación secundaria, de manera que tres de los cuatro niveles de gobierno subnacional tienen la posibilidad real de incrementar sus recursos propios, a través del ejercicio de la potestad tributaria que les permite crear, modificar y exonerar tasas y contribuciones especiales de mejoras, dentro del ámbito de competencias de cada nivel.

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This paper aims to analyze the decision issued by the Constitutional Court for Transition within the unconstitutionality presented against the Mining Act. Proponents, in the main, formal allege unconstitutional by the Mining Law have been issued by the Committee on Legislation and Oversight (National Assembly during the Transitional Period after the adoption of the 2008 Constitution) without the prior execution of a legislative pre query, this query being a collective right of national, indigenous peoples and communities recognized in Article 57 paragraph 17 of the Constitution of the Republic. The Constitutional Court ruled Transition to reject the unconstitutionality confirming the constitutionality of the regulatory body and the substantial and non-formal pre-legislative consultation.

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Rights as well as democracy play a crucial role in the legitimacy of the EU and constitutional patriotism has been influential in attempting to link them together. The article seeks to engage in a critique of constitutional patriotism on two fronts. First, it distinguishes between the various types of right that exist within EU law-Community, citizenship and fundamental-and then analyses the place of these rights within various political models of the EU ranging from nationalism to republicanism. It argues that constitutional patriotism does not enjoy a monopoly on rights discourse in the EU: most models of the EU see a place for rights; it is just that the type of right supported varies. Secondly, advocates of constitutional patriotism argue that EU rights generate European identity. The article questions the extent to which this is the case, arguing that identity potential varies considerably according to the type of EU right concerned.

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Abstract: Instead of the political reading of the EU Constitution adopted by advocates of constitutional patriotism, this article examines the European economic constitution. The four single market freedoms can be used by the Court of Justice to strike down Member State laws which represent deeply held aspects of national cultural identity. The article examines whether the court does in fact act in this way and proceeds to argue that the issue of identity protection does not stop with the court. In those policy areas where the court is more interventionist, and its case-law is perceived as an identity threat, one is likely to find binding Treaty-based derogations. Where, in contrast, the effect of the court's case-law poses less of a threat, one is more likely to see non-binding declarations. The article examines a number of policy areas in which specific cultural derogations and declarations are to be found, including abortion, property acquisition, football and alcohol control.

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Flavonoid extracts derived from plant foods have been shown to benefit certain types of fluid retention. However, no studies have investigated these compounds for use in premenstrual fluid retention, a complaint common among women with otherwise normal menstrual cycles. Therefore, we conducted a double-blind, placebo-controlled, pilot study into the effect of a daily flavonoid extract (Colladeen(R), 320 mg oligomeric procyanidins) on premenstrual fluid retention. Fluid retention was assessed at baseline and throughout 4 menstrual cycles of the intervention using validated questionnaires. Leg girth was also measured at baseline and at the end of the study. Thirty subjects completed the study (n = 18 active treatment; n = 12 placebo). Although no significant changes in leg girth measurements were noted, there was a significant improvement in subjective "leg health" scores after flavonoid treatment compared to placebo (p = 0.013). Furthermore, this was accompanied by an improvement in reported premenstrual fluid retention nearing significance (p = 0.066). We conclude that flavonoids supplements may provide a new therapeutic direction to counter premenstrual fluid retention and improve leg health. A larger study is now warranted.

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Flavonoid extracts derived from plant foods have been shown to benefit certain types of fluid retention. However, no studies have investigated these compounds for use in premenstrual fluid retention, a complaint common among women with otherwise normal menstrual cycles. Therefore, we conducted a double-blind, placebo-controlled, pilot study into the effect of a daily flavonoid extract (Colladeen(R), 320 mg oligomeric procyanidins) on premenstrual fluid retention. Fluid retention was assessed at baseline and throughout 4 menstrual cycles of the intervention using validated questionnaires. Leg girth was also measured at baseline and at the end of the study. Thirty subjects completed the study (n = 18 active treatment; n = 12 placebo). Although no significant changes in leg girth measurements were noted, there was a significant improvement in subjective "leg health" scores after flavonoid treatment compared to placebo (p = 0.013). Furthermore, this was accompanied by an improvement in reported premenstrual fluid retention nearing significance (p = 0.066). We conclude that flavonoids supplements may provide a new therapeutic direction to counter premenstrual fluid retention and improve leg health. A larger study is now warranted.

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The article discusses normative guidelines for reorienting planning education in India within the context of the immensely influential Constitutional Amendment Act of 1993. First, it briefly sketches the status of planning education at present in India, in relation to the role of planners in planning practice. It then descibes the changes that have taken place in general, following the Constitutional Amendment Act, dwelling more on the specific changes within the State of Kerala. The implications of these for planning education in general are then discussed normatively, highlighting three areas that need immediate attention from the planning academic community.

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The judiciousness of American felon suffrage policies has long been the subject of scholarly debate, not least due to the large number of affected Americans: an estimated 5.3 million citizens are ineligible to vote as a result of a criminal conviction. This article offers comparative law and international human rights perspectives and aims to make two main contributions to the American and global discourse. After an introduction in Part I, Part II offers comparative law perspectives on challenges to disenfranchisement legislation, juxtaposing U.S. case law against recent judgments rendered by courts in Canada, South Africa, Australia, and by the European Court of Human Rights. The article submits that owing to its unique constitutional stipulations, as well as to a general reluctance to engage foreign legal sources, U.S. jurisprudence lags behind an emerging global jurisprudential trend that increasingly views convicts’ disenfranchisement as a suspect practice and subjects it to judicial review. This transnational judicial discourse follows a democratic paradigm and adopts a “residual liberty” approach to criminal justice that considers convicts to be rights-holders. The discourse rejects regulatory justifications for convicts’ disenfranchisement, and instead sees disenfranchisement as a penal measure. In order to determine its suitability as a punishment, the adverse effects of disenfranchisement are weighed against its purported social benefits, using balancing or proportionality review. Part III analyzes the international human rights treaty regime. It assesses, in particular, Article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (“ICCPR”), which proclaims that “every citizen” has a right to vote without “unreasonable restrictions.” The analysis concludes that the phrase “unreasonable restrictions” is generally interpreted in a manner which tolerates certain forms of disenfranchisement, whereas other forms (such as life disenfranchisement) may be incompatible with treaty obligations. This article submits that disenfranchisement is a normatively flawed punishment. It fails to treat convicts as politically-equal community members, degrades them, and causes them grave harms both as individuals and as members of social groups. These adverse effects outweigh the purported social benefits of disenfranchisement. Furthermore, as a core component of the right to vote, voter eligibility should cease to be subjected to balancing or proportionality review. The presumed facilitative nature of the right to vote makes suffrage less susceptible to deference-based objections regarding the judicial review of legislation, as well as to cultural relativity objections to further the international standardization of human rights obligations. In view of this, this article proposes the adoption of a new optional protocol to the ICCPR proscribing convicts’ disenfranchisement. The article draws analogies between the proposed protocol and the ICCPR’s “Optional Protocol Aiming at the Abolition of the Death Penalty.” If adopted, the proposed protocol would strengthen the current trajectory towards expanding convicts’ suffrage that emanates from the invigorated transnational judicial discourse.

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My aim in this article is to encourage UK public lawyers to engage with contemporary debates in legal, political and constitutional theory. My argument is motivated by three related concerns. First, there is an extricable link between these disciplines: behind every proposition of public law can be found a theory of law, govenment, the state and so on; secondly, public lawyers have historically neglected or fudged theory in their work; finally, a growing number of public lawyers are now using cutting-edge legal and political theories to fashion radical new understandings of the British constitution: other (more conservative-minded) public lawyers have no option, I argue, but to answer these new challenges. I illustrate my argument with reference to debates about Parliamentary sovereignty, the constitutional foundations of judicial review, political constitutionalism, and judicial deference.

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De Gaulle, founder of the Fifth French Republic, cherished the notion that the president of the Republic could somehow stand above party politics. In many ways this belief shaped the early institutional configuration of the new Republic. Party politics, however, rapidly reached the presidency, especially with the move, under the constitutional reform of 1962, to direct election of the president. This article charts the development of France's 'political constitution' and the relationship between president and parties over the first decade of the Fifth Republic. It finds that although the presidency became the prime goal of party political competition, the (often dysfunctional) illusion of a head of state above politics continues to shape the behaviour and perceptions of French presidents.