China´s Economic Security Police Towards ASEAN From

After the economic reforms of 1978, China started rising very fast and started engaging other countries in the region which has served to increase its confidence in the region. In the post cold war period, China was seen as a big threat for the region because of its claims on the South China Sea. Nevertheless, this image was eliminated when China engaged ASEAN and other multilateral and regional organizations. This paper is studying China’s economic and security policies towards ASEAN. Globalization Theory is the theory being used to explain the nature of China-ASEAN relations. This research paper argues that China’s rise is promoting peace in the region. With the engagement policy, China started promoting trade and security co operations based on mutual benefits and dialogues for the peaceful resolutions of the disputes in the region. This contributed greatly to improve China’s image in the region. Additionally, China’s posture during the economic crises of 1997 also greatly contributed to improve its image. Thus, the rise of China is providing opportunity to the other countries in East Asia. Chapter One: Background On China-ASEAN Relations The use of Soft Power and engagement policy by the Chinese government has helped to change China’s image in the region. By using these policies China has been able to clear the feeling of suspicion and mistrust among the Asian states. China has increased its participation in multilateral and regional organizations, such as ASEAN. Due to this China has been able to promote economic and security co-operation among countries in the region. Thus, from being a potential threat China became a potential co-operative partner. Chapter Two: A Look into ASEAN ASEAN was originally formed on 8th August 1967 in Bangkok, Thailand, by Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and Thailand. Nevertheless, ASEAN was not the first regional group created to act as forum for dialogue between the leaders of different countries. Thought, it is the only one which could work in the region. The aim of the foundation of ASEAN was to promote peace and stability in the Abstract 2 region and also contain the spread of communism in Southeast Asia. For this reason, China did not engage ASEAN until 1990. However, in 1978 with the establishment of the open up policy China started engaging other countries. It started building trust among its neighboring countries by using soft power. By 1992, China formalized its diplomatic ties with ASEAN as a group. The diplomatic ties between China and ASEAN focus on multilateralism and co-operation as the best way for a more peaceful Asia and the search for common security. Thus, security in the region is promoted through economic co-operation among the states. Therefore the relation between China – ASEAN emphasizes the five principles of peaceful coexistence, mutual benefits in economic co-operation, dialogue promoting trust and the peaceful settlement of disputes. Chapter Three: China-ASEAN Economic Relations Since 1978 The economic reform of 1978 has greatly contributed to the economic development of China. After the adoption of the open up policy, China has been able to establish economic and trade relations with the outside world. The realist school of thought had predicted that Asia will not be stable in the post cold war period. Nevertheless, this has not been the case in Asia. China is growing peacefully with the co-operation of countries in the region. China is establishing strong ties with its neighboring countries. China and ASEAN relations focus on mutual benefit instead of being a zero sum game. Thus these relations are aimed at encouraging trust and economic co-operation in the region. China and ASEAN have agreed on Free Trade to assure that the two parties benefit from the co-operation. The ACFTA will have a great impact on economic, political and security issues. This will enable China to increase its influence in Asia and counterbalance the influences that Japan and U.S have in the region. Chapter Four: China ASEAN Relations in the Security Perspective This Chapter is about China and ASEAN relations on security issue. The new security issues of the post cold war period need to be solved in multilateral way. China as a major power in the region, through its engagement policy has solved most Abstract 3 of the disputes in the region using multilateral means. China has also found ways to solve the dispute over Spratly Islands peacefully, through dialogue using ASEAN. Additionally, China signed the Treaty of Amity in 2003, promoted security initiatives through ARF, Declaration on Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea and documents covering non-traditional security threats, economic co-operation and agricultural co-operation in November 2002, and the Joint Declaration on Strategic. Chapter Five: Finding and Analysis This chapter provides a quantitative and qualitative analysis of the date collected throughout this research. It provides an analysis of how the rise of China is promoting peace in the region. China has been promoting mutual beneficial trade and security co-operation which has increased its influence in the region. China has also been able to solve most of the territorial and border dispute in the region through ASEAN. Thus, ASEAN has amended China’s relations with other countries in the region. Therefore, China’s foreign policy in the region has a big impact in shaping the dynamic relations in East Asia. Conclusion and Recommendations This paper concluded that the relationships between China and ASEAN are contributing to peace in the region. After China engaged ASEAN, it has been able to promote multilateral trade based on mutual benefit. This is clearly emphasized by the CAFTA. Additionally, China has solved most of the dispute in the region. It has also found way for a peaceful resolution of the dispute over Spratly Island. Nowadays, the ASEAN countries don’t see China as a threat to the region. Nevertheless, they’ve adopted deterrence measures such as establishing diplomatic relations with other big powers in the region to assure that the region continues to grow peacefully. Concerning this deterrence measures, I recommend as another way for a continued peaceful growth, the resolution of the outstanding dispute.

Klassenkampf und Klassenkompromiss : Arbeit, Kapital und Staat in den Niederlanden und der Schweiz

Les Pays-Bas et la Suisse sont souvent décrits comme ayant des relations entre travail et capital similaires, marquées par des négociations et le compromis. La conviction est courante dans les deux pays qu'il y a une tendance constante au consensus et au compromis dans l'histoire nationale. Cette thèse livre une comparaison historique du développement des relations de classe dans la 1ers moitié du 20eme siècle. Une attention particulière est donnée aux confrontations sévères et partiellement violentes entre les classes qui ont eu lieu pendant et juste après la Première Guerre Mondiale. Dans la crise des années trente, les deux pays ont longtemps maintenu l'attachement à une politique de déflation, ce qui a mené à une nouvelle accentuation des tensions sociales. Dans ce contexte, loin d'être prêts à faire des concessions au mouvement ouvrier, d'importantes composantes du patronat néerlandais et suisse sympathisaient avec un corporatisme autoritaire comme il était prôné par les mouvements et régimes fascistes. Des alliances entre le mouvement ouvrier socialiste et des fractions importantes des classes moyennes étaient capables d'arrêter cette dérive autoritaire, sans avoir assez de force pour imposer leurs propres alternatives. C'est seulement après l'affaiblissement de la droite dure entre la deuxième moitié des années trente et l'immédiat après-guerre que des premiers fondements pour un compromis de classe stable ont été établis. Généralement, l'approche comparée de la thèse permet de mieux saisir les histoires nationales dans leur contexte européen et global et permet donc de dépasser une vue de l'histoire nationale comme «cas spécial».¦Die Beziehungen zwischen Arbeit und Kapital in Niederlande und die Schweiz werden oft als âhnlich und stark von Verhandlungen und von Kompromissen geprâgt beschrieben. In beiden Lândern ist die Auffassung weitverbreitet, dass es in der nationalen Geschichte eine konstante Tendenz zum Konsens und zum Kompromiss gebe. Diese Dissertation bietet einen historischen Vergleich der Entwicklung der Klassenbeziehungen in der ersten Hâlfte des 20. Jahrhunderts. Thematisiert werden insbesondere die ernsthaften und teilweise gewalttàtigen Zusammenstôsse zwischen den Klassen, die sich wàhrend und unmittelbar nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg ereigneten. In der Krise der Dreissigerjahre hielten beide Staaten lange an der Deflationspolitik fest, was erneut zu einer Verschârfung der sozialen Spannungen fïïhrte. Vor diesem Hintergrund lehnten weite Teile der schweizerischen und niederlândischen Grossunternehmer Konzessionen gegenuber der Arbeiterbewegung ab. Vielmehr sympathisierten sie mit einem autoritàren Korporatismus, wie er von den faschistischen Bewegungen und Regimes vertreten wurde. Allianzen zwischen der sozialistischen Arbeiterbewegung und Teilen der Mittelschichten gelang es zwar, diese autoritàren Tendenzen aufzuhalten, nicht aber ihre eigenen Alteraativkonzepte durchzusetzen. Erst nach der Schwâchung der radikalen Rechten in der Zeit zwischen der zweiten Hàlfte der 1930er Jahre und der unmittelbaren Nachkriegszeit nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg fand sich eine¦Grundlage fur einen stabilen Klassenkompromiss. Generell ermôglicht es der vergleichende Ansatz der Dissertation, die nationale Geschichte in ihrem europâischen und globalen Kontext zu sehen und so eine Sicht auf die Geschichte eines einzelnen Landes als ,,Sonderfall" zu uberwinden.

Social network of family caregivers of disabled and dependent patients

Cross-sectional study that used the Social Network Index and the genogram to assess the social network of 110 family caregivers of dependent patients attended by a Home Care Service in São Paulo, Brazil. Data were analyzed using the test U of Mann-Whitney, Kruskal-Wallis and Spearman correlation. Results were considered statistically significant when p<0,05. Few caregivers participated in activities outside the home and the average number of people they had a bond was 4,4 relatives and 3,6 friends. Caregivers who reported pain and those who had a partner had higher average number of relatives who to trust. The average number of friends was higher in the group that reported use of medication for depression. Total and per capita incomes correlated with the social network. It was found that family members are the primary caregiver’s social network.