Varieties of parliamentarianism

From the start of the English civil war, the parliamentarians were a fragmented coalition, held together by distrust of the king and a belief that Parliament was entitled to lead action to remedy his government’s deficiencies. The driving motivations of parliamentarians were various, including the religious commitments of puritanism, legalistic thought about the ancient constitution, and more radical notions of republicanism or natural rights. Historians have disputed whether parliamentarianism had an inherent strand of radicalism – or radical potential – from the early 1640s, but radicalization certainly took place as the civil wars went on, alongside more ‘conservative’ reactions against the propaganda and wartime measures employed by parliament. Parliamentarian radicalism itself was varied in character, embracing the Levellers’ populism, parliamentary absolutism, and millenarian and providentialist ideas.

Rogue en vogue : North Korea and the war on terror

North Korea occupies a unique place in the thinking of US policymakers insofar as it represents both a direct, physical threat and also a reminder of the limits to American power. In numerous ways, North Korea is anathema to the US: it has fulsomely rejected America’s systems of political–economic organisation, its gradual rapproachment with South Korea threatens to undermine the rationale for America’s military presence in Northeast Asia, and its possession of nuclear weapons threatens the safety of the US and its allies. For these reasons, and despite its lowly standing in the international political system, North Korea continues to severely frustrate the superpower’s interests and thus represents an existential threat to the US.

Messages from Long Tan, Vietnam: memorialisation, reconciliation, and historical justice

This article explores the changing ways in which Australians and Vietnamese remember and memorialize their involvement in the Vietnam War and how these processes intersect with notions of reconciliation and historical justice in postwar contexts. It uses the Battle of Long Tan of August 1966 as an entrée into these considerations and questions how heritage-making and memorialization processes can facilitate the achievement of reconciliation between parties formerly in conflict. Not surprisingly, the Australian and Vietnamese veterans of the battle and the two states, the Commonwealth of Australia and the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, have different motivations for wanting to remember Long Tan. On the Australian side, a sense that reconciliation and atonement are needed is often reflected in official government and veterans’ statements about the war and Australia-Vietnam relations, in the memorialization process at Long Tan and in the involvement of Australian veterans groups engaged in local economic development and community building in Vietnam. On the Vietnamese side, where the Vietnam War played out as a civil as well as an international war, efforts by those who actively supported the former Republic of Vietnam based in Saigon in the south and among the overseas Vietnamese (Viet kieu) to memorialize their engagement in the conflict have been frustrated. The usefulness of the notion of seeking historical justice is therefore questioned in post–civil war situations where people are locked into fixed histories and are unprepared or unable to revisit and retell personal and collective memories and histories.

Left-wing melancholies

With the recent passing of the world's "best-known unknown filmmaker," Chris Marker, it is axiomatic that left-wing melancholy now includes the ongoing loss of previously lost causes – a paradox that suggests the true address of all lost causes worth defending is a strange confluence of past and futural states, as one state. This double loss as gain is also the primary mark of the "landscape" of pessimistic optimism that also denotes the foremost position to occupy today in the battles associated with capitalist End Times (Slavoj Žižek's term). Cultural ecology is no longer what it once was – that is to say, a strange amalgam of vernacular essences perpetrated in the rather forlorn 1970s and/or the insistent and incessant production of difference. Instead, cultural ecology invokes spectral civil war – arguably the very state of things today – and the return of "the dead" in the persistence of forms of high-formalist and high-conceptualist works of art and architecture. This paper examines the late works of the late Chris Marker, including the very short videos he uploaded to You Tube under the pseudonym "Kosinki" from 2007 to 2011, an event contiguous with his return to exhibiting very-still photography from 2006 to 2011. Marker's simultaneous returns to still photography and the short film-essay are both magnificent gestures toward the austerities required of present-day media to effect the necessary "return" to what is always present in one form or another anyway – the non-place between world and world-to-come.

US policy toward rogue states: Comparing the Bush administration's policy toward Iraq and North Korea

The George W. Bush administration resorted to war to respond to the threat of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, whereas it virtually ruled out the use of force to resolve the North Korean nuclear issue. By utilizing various strands of realist international relations theories, we trace motivations behind the administration's divergent foreign-policy choices toward rogue states. That the United States rushed to war against Iraq while procrastinating on North Korea presents a puzzle to conventional realism, which postulates that great powers observe changes in relative capabilities and respond accordingly. We argue that policy differences should be embedded in discussion of the administration's foreign-policy grand strategy, which sought to sustain the hegemonic status of the United States in the world. Iraq and North Korea had different implications for Bush's grand strategy, thereby calling for different approaches. By tracing the strategic design of the Bush administration, we attempt to provide a more complete account of policy differences toward rogue states, as well as indicate the significant changes in US policy during the George W. Bush administration and since.

The Greek Diaspora of Melboure, Australia, through the eyes of the second generation Greek Australians

Melbourne has a large and dynamic Greek community that began to form in the 1950s with migration to Australia in the years following the Second World War and the Greek Civil War. The elders of this community, in particular, have tried to ensure that their culture and traditions are kept alive and are handed down from generation to generation. The long history and cultural richness of the Greek tradition is a great source of pride to its members, and this is a key characteristic of the Greek community of Australia. Young and old Greek Australians speak of their country of origin with great pride and passion, as it remains central to their perception of nationality and ethnicity. This importance placed on the retention of the language and culture of their nation of origin means that cultural transmission across generations is of great significance to the community and can provide valuable insight into their interpretation of their own experiences. This paper will present findings from a three generation study about health beliefs and practices of women in the Melbourne Greek community. The experience of granddaughters, who represent the second Australian generation, and how they see their grandmothers’ experience as migrants to Australia will be discussed. The impact of the Diaspora phenomenon and the creation of a Greek community in Melbourne will be considered in the context of health, memory, religion, Greek culture, food, and personal and group identity.

Sri Lankan civil society and its fanatics

The current moment, seen by some as an interregnum between societies of discipline and control, is marked by intense forms of religious fanaticism and iconoclasm that are striving to create new forms of the state. This is evident in the militancy and political engagement of Buddhist monks in Sri Lanka, who promote war against Tamil separatists as well as violent resistance to the proselytization identified with global civil society agencies that, due to the war and the 2004 tsunami disaster, have been active in the country. The article looks at this rising Buddhist militancy, which is associated with a political party that is linked to the more famous party known as the JVP. It argues that instead of resisting the formation of the new global civil society, the iconoclasm of this Buddhist political formation is facilitating its establishment.

The Greek diaspora of Melbourne: Australia through the eyes of the second generation Greek Australian

form in the 1950s with migration to Australia in the years following the Second World War and the Greek Civil War. The elders of this community, in particular, have tried to ensure that their culture and traditions are kept alive and are handed down from generation to generation. The long history and cultural richness of the Greek tradition is a great source of pride to its members, and this is a key characteristic of the Greek community of Australia. Young and old Greek Australians speak of their country of origin with great pride and passion, as it remains central to their perception of nationality and ethnicity. This importance placed on the retention of the language and culture of their nation of origin means that cultural transmission across generations is of great significance to the community and can provide valuable insight into their interpretation of their own experiences. This paper will present findings from a three generation study about health beliefs and practices of women in the Melbourne Greek community. The experience of granddaughters, who represent the second Australian generation, and how they see their grandmothers’ experience as migrants to Australia will be discussed. The impact of the Diaspora phenomenon and the creation of a Greek community in Melbourne will be considered in the context of health, memory, religion, Greek culture, food, and personal and group identity.

Um Vice-reinado na República do pós-30: Juarez Távora, as interventorias do Norte e a Guerra de 1932

Esta tese investiga a trajetória da região geopolítica conhecida como Norte, durante o Governo Provisório varguista (1930-1934). Ela começou a ser gestada no imediato pós- 30 e, nos anos seguintes, tornou-se uma das forças políticas mais ativas de todo o período. O Norte era formado pelo então território federal do Acre e os estado do Amazonas, Pará, Maranhão, Piauí, Ceará, Rio Grande do Norte, Paraíba, Pernambuco, Alagoas, Sergipe, Bahia e Espírito Santo. Nesta conjuntura, as principais posições políticas e militares nesses estados passaram a ser ocupadas pelos que adotaram a autodesignação de revolucionários nortistas. A invenção e consolidação dessa identidade política tinha como elemento agregador o reconhecimento de Juarez Távora como grande líder e representante dos interesses da região junto ao Governo Provisório. Chamado ironicamente, por seus opositores, de “Vice-rei do Norte”, Távora liderou esse grupo durante todo o período, construindo uma importante aliança entre essa região geopolítica e o Governo Provisório. Desse modo, o Norte, seus revolucionários e seu líder foram os principais apoiadores de Vargas na defesa do projeto de centralização política, em oposição a outras correntes, sobretudo as que pregavam o retorno ao regime constitucional. Dessa forma, o Norte participou decisivamente do processo de radicalização que desembocou na guerra civil de 1932, enviando milhares de soldados para os campos de batalha e combatendo, dentro da região, os possíveis aliados do movimento rebelde liderado por São Paulo. Com o fim da guerra e confirmado o retorno do país ao regime constitucional, apesar da tentativa de permanecer como um grande bloco político, a região se fragmenta e os antigos laços que definiam a identidade dos revolucionários nortistas se dissolvem, assim como a liderança indiscutível de seu líder e herói, Juarez Távora.

O pensamento militar de León Trotsky e a formação do exército vermelho: 1918-1925

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

A expressão da cultura nobiliárquica nos livros de viagens medievais

Pós-graduação em História - FCHS

Cultura, política e representações do México no cinema norte-americano: Viva Zapata! de Elia Kazan

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

As influências do realismo político e do complexo industrial-militar no expansionismo norte americano (1990-2004)

Pós-graduação em História - FCLAS

Ensino de ciências em Cabinda/Angola: condições da prática docente, idéias de professores e desafios

O presente trabalho trata de uma pesquisa qualitativa na abordagem narrativa, desenvolvida com professores de Ciências do Ensino Médio da Província de Cabinda, em Angola. A escola em que os doze sujeitos da pesquisa trabalham destina-se à preparação de professores para atuarem no ensino de base até a 8ª série. A pesquisa está estruturada em sete seções, cuja abordagem está centrada no Ensino de Ciências em Angola: condições da prática docente, idéias de professores e desafios. Para tanto, busco resgatar o contexto do país desde os cinco séculos de colonização até a independência, em 1975. Posteriormente, as três décadas de guerra civil até os momentos de paz que o país vive hoje. Em seguida, faço um breve histórico da educação sobre as transformações ocorridas durante esses quatro períodos: Colonial, Pós-Colonial, Guerra Civil e os momentos de paz. O universo de pesquisa foram doze professores que lecionam ciências em uma mesma escola, tendo sido aplicado um questionário de dezesseis questões abertas. Suas respostas foram organizadas em quatro categorias, a saber: motivação ao magistério e identidade com a função docente; o que os professores manifestam entender sobre ciência e ensino de ciências; condições de trabalho docente e de formação continuada; visão sobre si na função docente e da docência em ciências. Essas categorias permitiram a análise dos dados em relação ao ensino de ciências em Cabinda, cujos resultados apontaram para: a maioria dos professores que atuam no ensino médio não tem formação para tal; foram motivados por várias razões para a docência; a sua constituição, como professores de Ciências, ocorre por esforço próprio, ao longo da docência; as condições de trabalho são muito deficitárias, havendo falta de material bibliográfico e dificuldades de acesso à informação; há inexistência de cursos de licenciatura em Biologia, Física e Química para formar professores em nível superior para o ensino médio; não há programas regulares de formação continuada para professores de Ciências. Mesmo assim, os professores acreditam ser um desafio ensinar a juventude, sentem-se honrados por serem docentes em Cabinda e manifestam-se otimistas e esperançosos em continuar seus estudos em nível superior.