956 resultados para Sexual relations
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Este E-Book reúne um conjunto de investigações apresentadas no “I Congresso Internacional Envolvimento dos Alunos na Escola: Perspetivas da Psicologia e Educação” (ICIEAE), organizado no âmbito do “Projeto PTDC/CPE-CED/114362/2009 - Envolvimento dos Alunos na Escola: Diferenciação e Promoção” (EAE-DP), financiado pela Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia (FCT).
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This article reviews the literature regarding Student’s Engagement in School (SES), its relationship with personal variables, as well as with academic performance. Although SES’ conceptualization may vary across studies, there is general agreement concerning the multidimensional nature of this construct, encompassing three dimensions – cognitive, affective and behavioural. It is seen as an antecedent of several required outcomes, at academic level, but also as a valorous construct itself, both as mediator and product. More particularly, this concept has been the focus of debate concerning academic success and school dropout. There can also be found a significant number of studies which suggest that personal (self-efficacy, self-concept), as well as contextual (peers, school, family) factors are related with school engagement; additionally, the lack of engagement is linked with low academic performance, behavioural problems and school dropout. Thus, Student’s Engagement in School is perceived as a potentially effective response to the problems affecting schools and their students, and an aspect to be considered in preventing problematic patterns related to scholary contexts.
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Tese de doutoramento, Educação (Tecnologias de Informação e Comunicação na Educação), Universidade de Lisboa, Instituto de Educação, 2015
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The goal of this paper is to review the literature on the fundamental dimensions of social judgment and reflect on how these can help to boost our understanding of attitudes towards immigrants. We start by reviewing the work on the “fundamental dimensions” along which these judgments are organized, describing the different conceptions that have been put forward, identifying the regularities found in the content of these dimensions and the distinctions between them. Next, we propose a new way of looking at these fundamental dimensions by situating them within the specific field of intergroup relations in an immigration context, and explain how all the different examples of dimensions map onto this “new perspective”. We conclude by discussing how these two dimensions mirror the two fundamental topics that organize the discourse and the opinions about immigrants and immigration in society, and how attitudes towards immigrants can be differentially shaped by these two fundamental dimensions.
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In democratic polities, constitutional equilibria or balances of power between the executive and the legislature shift over time. Normative and empirical political theorists have long recognised that war, civil unrest, economic and political crises, terrorist attacks, and other events strengthen the power of the executive, disrupt and threaten constitutional politics, and damage democratic institutions: crises require swift action and executives are thought to be more capable than parliaments and legislatures of taking such actions. The terrorist attacks on New York and Washington on 11 September 2001 and the ensuing so-called 'war on terror' declared by President Bush clearly constituted a crisis, not only in the United States but also in other political systems, in part because of the US's hegemonic position in defining and shaping many other states' foreign and domestic policies. Dicey, Schmitt, and Rossiter suggest that critical events and political crises inevitably trigger the concentration of (emergency) powers in the hands of the executive. Aristotle and Machiavelli questioned the inevitability of this process. This article and the articles that follow in this Special Issue utilise empirical evidence, through the use of case studies of the United States, the United Kingdom, Russia, Australia, Israel, Italy and Indonesia, to address this debate. Specifically, the issue explores to what extent the external shock or crisis of 9/11 (and other terrorist attacks) and the ensuing 'war on terror' significantly changed the balance of executive-legislative relations from t (before the crisis) to t+1 (after the crisis) in these political systems, all of which were the targets of actual or foiled terrorist attacks. The most significant findings are that the shock of 9/11 and the 'war on terror' elicited varied responses by national executives and legislatures/parliaments and thus the balance of executive-legislative relations in different political systems; that, therefore, executive-legislative relations are positive rather than zero-sum; and that domestic political contexts conditioned these institutional responses.
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Tese (doutorado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Ciências Sociais, Departamento de Antropologia, Programa de Pós-graduação em Antropologia Social, 2015.
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Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2015
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Explores the relation between gender and the encounter of Jews with various conditions of Modernity. She makes clear that the study of the process of Jewish assimilation in contemporary times must include women and gender in its framework.
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Sexual dimorphism in adiposity is well described in adults, but the age at which differences first manifest is uncertain. Using a prospective cohort, we describe longitudinal changes in directly measured adiposity and intrahepatocellular lipid (IHCL) in relation to sex in healthy term infants. At median ages of 13 and 63 days, infants underwent quantification of adipose tissue depots by whole-body magnetic resonance imaging and measurement of IHCL by in vivo proton magnetic resonance spectroscopy. Longitudinal data were obtained from 70 infants (40 boys and 30 girls). In the neonatal period girls are more adipose in relation to body size than boys. At follow-up (median age 63 days), girls remained significantly more adipose. The greater relative adiposity that characterises girls is explained by more subcutaneous adipose tissue and this becomes increasingly apparent by follow-up. No significant sex differences were seen in IHCL. Sex-specific differences in infant adipose tissue distribution are in keeping with those described in later life, and suggest that sexual dimorphism in adiposity is established in early infancy.
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Tracing children’s values and value-expressive behavior over a sixth-month period, we examined stability and change of values and behavior and the reciprocal relations between them. Three hundred and ten sixth-grade students in Italy completed value and value-expressive behavior questionnaires three times in three-month intervals during the scholastic year. We assessed Schwartz's (1992) higher-order values of conservation, openness to change, self-enhancement, and self-transcendence, as well as their respective expressive behaviors. Reciprocal relations over time between values and behaviors were examined using a cross-lagged longitudinal design. Results showed that values and behaviors had reciprocal longitudinal effects on one another, after the stability of the variables was taken into account (i.e., values predicted change in behaviors, but also behaviors predicted change in values). Our findings also revealed that: (1) values were more stable over time than behaviors, and (2) the longitudinal effect of values on behaviors tended to be stronger than the longitudinal effect of behaviors on values. Findings are discussed in light of the recent developmental literature on value change.
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In this paper we argue that Niccolò Machiavelli has little to do with Realism in International Relations theory. By concentrating, as Machaivelli did, on the walls that define political relations—both inside and outside the polity—we find his insights deeply rooted in the specific political contexts of Sixteenth century Italy. Others may wish to generalize from them, but Machiavelli did not. In fact, as we show, Machiavelli was mindful of the difficulties of generalizing about walls and acknowledged the dangers political actors faced in navigating between the internal and external walls of the polity. We examine the geopolitical contours of Machiavelli’s walls and seek to demonstrate how morality is present in these historical spaces. In contrast to Realists, Machiavelli was ready and willing to make ethical judgments. We argue that theorists of international politics should exercise care in reaching for Machiavelli as the iconic thinker for making sense of anarchy in world politics. This article concludes by suggesting that the ideology of Machiavellianism has obscured deeper understanding of the particular contexts of Machiavelli’s own world.