Bond, Robert, 2 autographed letters signed to John Winthrop; East Hampton, Conn., 1651 March 8-March 10

Correspondence regarding advice Winthrop had given to Bond's family, and requesting he remit instructions for treating an illness of a neighbor's children.

Fuller, Robert, autographed letter signed to John Winthrop; Rehoboth, Mass., 1 side (2 pages), 1652 September 29

Correspondence seeking advice from Winthrop about an illness that afflicted his children's heads and caused hair loss, and his sister's case of worms.

Khulāṣah-ʼi qavānīn kih az ḥuz̤ūr-i gūrnar Janral Bahādur nisbat bih ṣawbahʹjāt-i Bankālah va Bihār Awrīsah dar bāb-i har ṭūr-i maḥṣūl va tijārat

Translation into Persian.

Hukuk-i umumiye-yi düvel

müellifleri Hānrī Būnfīs, Pūl Fūshīl ; mütercimi Ahmet Salahattin.

A diferença como revelação na obra de Egon Schiele e Robert Musil

This essay is an attempt to show the different ways in which Deleuze’s philosophy can help us to interpret art. The main ideas or philosophical standpoints I use to analyze the paintings of Egon Schiele and Robert Musil’s novel The Confusions of Young Törless are elaborated in the book he wrote with Felix Guattari A Thousend Plateaus. In the end, however, the very interpretation of these works of art should shed a new light on the understanding of Deleuze’s thought.

Law practice in a globalized world: the European experience. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 13 No. 7, June 2013

From the Introduction. In this paper I plan to give a simple overview on how the legal profession is integrating in a globalized world within the European Union (“EU”).

Images of Europeans: In-Group Trust and Support for European Integration. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 14 No. 3, March 2014

Prior research on citizen support for European integration does not consider how individuals’ evaluations of European nationalities are associated with support. This paper fills this gap by developing a political cohesion model based on social identity theory. I claim that the probability of supporting integration increases with greater levels of trust in fellow Europeans, which assumes to reflect their positive images. Also, trust in eastern European Union nationalities has the highest impact on the probability for support, followed by trust in the southern nationalities, and then northern nationalities due to the eastern and southern nationalities relatively lower economic development. Controlling for various factors, the ordered logistic regression analysis of the European Election Study (2004) data support these claims.

The New European Commission Presidency and the Advent of European Democracy. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 14 No. 17, August 2014

On June 15, 2014, Jean-Claude Juncker, the lead candidate of the European People’s Party, was elected President of the European Commission, with the support of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe, and some of the European Socialists and Greens. Amid unprecedented Euroscepticism, the media and many pundits predicted a record-low voter turnout and record-high results for Europhobic parties. The aforementioned parties then decided that the political outcome of these 2014 European elections would also be unprecedented. For the first time in EU history, the European political parties agreed to nominate candidates to chair the institution, which they justified by putting forward Article 17 of the Lisbon Treaty. The European Parliament has often characteristically used political discourse - the logos, to influence the EU’s institutional framework, even though it entails grappling with Member States. It took the form of reports and resolutions, like the official use of the phrase “European Parliament” in 1962, direct universal suffrage elections in 1975 and a European Union in 1984. Nominating contenders to chair the European Commission is no exception. It requires a specific political discourse whose origins can be traced back to the early years of the European Parliament, when it was still the “Common Assembly”. This political discourse is one of the elements thanks to which the European Parliament acquired visibility and new prerogatives, in pursuit of its legitimacy. However, the executive branch in all member states is not intent on yielding such prerogatives to the European Parliament. As a matter of fact, the European Parliament has often ended up strengthening the heads of state and governments, since MEPs are forced to resort to self-discipline. The symbolic significance of its logos and, consequently, its own politicisation as a source of legitimacy, is thus undermined. For instance, in 2014, Jean-Claude Juncker’s election actually strengthened German Chancellor Angela Merkel. First she questioned the fact that the candidate whose party holds the parliamentary majority after the election should be appointed President of the Commission. Then she seemed strongly intent on democratising the Union, when she confronted David Cameron, who openly opposed Juncker, believed to be too federalist and old-fashioned a candidate. By doing so, she eventually reduced the symbolic dimension of the European Parliament’s initiative, and Juncker’s election. She also unquestionably embodied EU leadership. This paper aims at analysing Juncker’s election to the Presidency of the European Commission, as well as other questions it raises. In the first part, I lay out some thoughts about the sociohistorical context of voting in European elections in order to make the readers understand why the European Parliament should be bolder. Secondly, I try to explain how the European Parliament has used the logos as a weapon to grapple with member states for more power, as was the case during the 2014 European elections. Last but not least, I seek to show how Angela Merkel got hold of that weapon and took advantage of it, thus proving that despite MEPs’ best efforts, Juncker’s task will be all the more complicated as he was not the consensual candidate of all the governments.