The Falkland Islands War of 1982: a legal, diplomatic and strategic evaluation

The Falkland Islands War of 1982 was fought over competing claims to sovereignty over a group of islands off the east coast of South America. The dispute was between Argentina and the United Kingdom. Argentina claims the islands under rights to Spanish succession, the fact that they lie off the Argentine coast line and that in 1833 Great Britain took the islands illegally and by force. The United Kingdom claims the islands primarily through prescription--the fact that they have governed the islands in a peaceful, continuous and public manner since 1833. The British also hold that the population living on the islands, roughly eighteen hundred British descendants, should be able to decide their own future. The United Kingdom also lays claim to the islands through rights of discovery and settlement, although this claim has always been challenged by Spain who until 1811 governed the islands. Both claims have legal support, and the final decision if there will ever be one is difficult to predict. Sadly today the ultimate test of sovereignty does not come through international law but remains in the idea that "He is sovereign who can defend his sovereignty." The years preceding the Argentine invasion of 1982 witnessed many diplomatic exchanges between The United Kingdom and Argentina over the future of the islands. During this time the British sent signals to Argentina that ii implied a decline in British resolve to hold the islands and demonstrated that military action did more to further the talks along than did actual negotiations. The Argentine military junta read these signals and decided that they could take the islands in a quick military invasion and that the United Kingdom would consider the act as a fait accompli and would not protest the invasion. The British in response to this claimed that they never signaled to Argentina that a military solution was acceptable to them and launched a Royal Navy task force to liberate the islands. Both governments responded to an international crisis with means that were designed both to resolve the international crisis and increase the domestic popularity of the government. British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher was facing an all-time low in popularity for post-War Prime Ministers while Argentine President General Galtieri needed to gain mass popular support so he could remain a viable President after he was scheduled to lose command of the army and a seat on the military junta that ran the country. The military war for the Falklands is indicative of the nature of modern warfare between Third World countries. It shows that the gap in military capabilities between Third and First World countries is narrowing significantly. Modern warfare between a First and Third World country is no longer a 'walk over' for the First World country.

The law of the sea: the United States, Canada and the deep seabed

The Falkland Islands War of 1982 was fought over competing claims to sovereignty over a group of islands off the east coast of South America. The dispute was between Argentina and the United Kingdom. Argentina claims the islands under rights to Spanish succession, the fact that they lie off the Argentine coast line and that in 1833 Great Britain took the islands illegally and by force. The United Kingdom claims the islands primarily through prescription--the fact that they have governed the islands in a peaceful, continuous and public manner since 1833. The British also hold that the population living on the islands, roughly eighteen hundred British descendants, should be able to decide their own future. The United Kingdom also lays claim to the islands through rights of discovery and settlement, although this claim has always been challenged by Spain who until 1811 governed the islands. Both claims have legal support, and the final decision if there will ever be one is difficult to predict. Sadly today the ultimate test of sovereignty does not come through international law but remains in the idea that "He is sovereign who can defend his sovereignty." The years preceding the Argentine invasion of 1982 witnessed many diplomatic exchanges between The United Kingdom and Argentina over the future of the islands. During this time the British sent signals to Argentina that ii implied a decline in British resolve to hold the islands and demonstrated that military action did more to further the talks along than did actual negotiations. The Argentine military junta read these signals and decided that they could take the islands in a quick military invasion and that the United Kingdom would consider the act as a fait accompli and would not protest the invasion. The British in response to this claimed that they never signaled to Argentina that a military solution was acceptable to them and launched a Royal Navy task force to liberate the islands. Both governments responded to an international crisis with means that were designed both to resolve the international crisis and increase the domestic popularity of the government. British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher was facing an all-time low in popularity for post-War Prime Ministers while Argentine President General Galtieri needed to gain mass popular support so he could remain a viable President after he was scheduled to lose command of the army and a seat on the military junta that ran the country. The military war for the Falklands is indicative of the nature of modern warfare between Third World countries. It shows that the gap in military capabilities between Third and First World countries is narrowing significantly. Modern warfare between a First and Third World country is no longer a 'walk over' for the First World country.

Attachment and alcohol : testing a motivational model of problem drinking /

The purpose of this study was to replicate and extend a motivational model of problem drinking (Cooper, Frone, Russel, & Mudar, 1995; Read, Wood, Kahler, Maddock & Tibor, 2003), testing the notion that attachment is a common antecedent for both the affective and social paths to problem drinking. The model was tested with data from three samples, first-year university students (N=679), students about to graduate from university (N=206), and first-time clients at an addiction treatment facility (N=21 1). Participants completed a battery of questionnaires assessing alcohol use, alcohol-related consequences, drinking motives, peer models of alcohol use, positive and negative affect, attachment anxiety and attachment avoidance. Results underscored the importance of the affective path to problem drinking, while putting the social path to problem drinking into question. While drinking to cope was most prominent among the clinical sample, coping motives served as a risk factor for problem drinking for both individuals identified as problem drinkers and university students. Moreover, drinking for enhancement purposes appeared to be the strongest overall predictor of alcohol use. Results of the present study also supported the notion that attachment anxiety and avoidance are antecedents for the affective path to problem drinking, such that those with higher levels of attachment anxiety and avoidance were more vulnerable to experiencing adverse consequences related to their drinking, explained in terms of diminished affect regulation. Evidence that nonsecure attachment is a potent predictor of problem drinking was also demonstrated by the finding that attachment anxiety was directly related to alcohol-related consequences over and above its indirect relationship through affect regulation. However, results failed to show that attachment anxiety or attachment avoidance increased the risk of problem drinking via social influence.

ESL students' off-line and on-line texts : differences and similarities /

This study was undertaken to investigate any textual differences and similarities within essays written with a word processing program and an e-mail editor by non-native writers. It arose from many contradictions and a paucity of empirical research within the field of second language learning and electronic technology. To further explore these contradictory observations, 3 classes of intermediate level ESL (English as a Second Language) students v^ote 6 essays, alternating between a word processing program and an e-mail editor. Prior to the data collection, students read brief texts and responded to questions that focused upon three formal topics: immigration, economics, and multiculturalism. Data were examined for (a) the differences in the frequency counts of 12 cohesive devices, (b) sentence complexity, which focused upon the occurrences of simple and complex sentences, (c) the number of words within the writings, (d) the method of contextualization preferred by writers, and (e) any variations in the final grades of the students' texts that resulted from holistic rating. Results of analysis indicated that there were no statistically significant differences in the frequency counts of the linguistic features. Sentence complexity did not vary within the off-line and on-line essays. The average number of words found within the off-line essays was approximately 20% greater than within on-line essays. Contextualization methods were not different within word-processed or e-mailed essays. Finally, there was no difference in the quality of the texts when holistically rated.

From absolutes to aesthetics : John Dewey and the art of experience /

In this thesis I sought to capture something of the integrity of John Dewey's larger vision. While recognizing this to be a difficult challenge, I needed to clear some of the debris of an overly narrow reading of Dewey's works by students of education. The tendency of reducing Dewey's larger philosophical vision down to neat theoretical snap shots in order to prop up their particular social scientific research, was in my estimation slowly damaging the larger integrity of Dewey's vast body of work. It was, in short, killing off the desire to read big works, because doing so was not necessary to satisfying the specialized interests of social scientific research. In this thesis then I made a plea for returning the Humanities to the center of higher education. It is there that students learn how to read and to think—skills required to take on someone of Dewey's stature. I set out in this thesis to do just that. I took Dewey's notion of experience as the main thread connecting all of his philosophy, and focused on two large areas of inquiry, science and its relation to philosophy, and aesthetic experience. By exploring in depth Dewey's understanding of human experience as it pertains to day-to-day living, my call was for a heightened mode of artful conduct within our living contexts. By calling on the necessity of appreciating the more qualitative dimensions of lived experience, I was hoping that students engaged in the Social Sciences might begin to bolster their research interests with more breadth and depth of reading and critical insight. I expressed this as being important to the survival and intelligent flourishing of democratic conduct.

Letter from the acting Secretary of War, transmitting information relative to the claims of the State of Massachusetts for payment of the expenses of the militia ordered out by the executive authority of the state, during the late war. --

15th Congress, 1st session, 1817-1818, House. Doc. 81.

Letter from the Secretary of War, transmitting documents containing the information required by the resolution of Mr. Wright, on the 22d inst. relative to the execution of the act fixing the military peace establishment. --

14th Congress, 1st session, 1815-1816. House. Document no. 33.

Letter from the Secretary of War, transmitting a return of the arms and military stores furnished to the respective states, under the provisions of the law of one thousand eight hundred and twelve.

At head of title: [107].

Letters from the Secretary of War to the Committee of Ways and Means, in relation to the number of Militia called into the public service in 1813, to a provision for paying the bounties and premiums to soldiers lately authorized, and to the strength of the army.--

At head of title: [78].

Massachusetts militia claims : letter from the Secretary of War, transmitting, in pursuance of a resolution of the House of Representatives of the 15th Dec., 1826, a report upon the subject of the claims of the State of Masachusetts for certain services rendered during the late war.--

20th Congress, 2nd session. House Doc. no.3.

Message from the President of the United States, transmitting documents relative to the commencement and progress of any acts or system of retaliation upon prisoners of war, by the Governments of Great Britain and the United States. --

13th Congress, 3d session. House. Doc. no. 13.

Message from the President of the United States, transmitting copies of the instructions given to the ministers of the United States appointed to negotiate a peace with Great Britain. --

13th Congress, 3d session. House. Doc. no. 8.

Message from the President of the United States, to both Houses of Congress, at the commencement of the third session of the thirteenth Congress. --

Document no. 1 in U.S. 13th Congress, 3d session, 1814-1815. House.

Message from the President of the United States to both Houses of Congress at the commencement of the second session of the twelfth Congress. --

November 4, 1812. Read, and ordered to be printed.

Message from the President of the United States, transmitting copies of a convention concluded at St. Petersburg, the 12th day of July, 1822, under the mediation of the Emperor of all the Russias, between the United States of America and His Britannic Majesty. --

United States. 18th Congress, 1st session, 1823-1824. House. Doc. no. 30.