945 resultados para Police corruption


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Dans les dernières années, la corruption municipale a constitué un enjeu d’importance au Québec, posant des questions majeures sur la qualité de la gouvernance municipale. Ce mémoire vise à comprendre comment fonctionnait le système de corruption découvert au niveau des municipalités. En premier lieu, l’aspect historique de la corruption municipale sera examiné pour identifier l’héritage ayant influencé les pratiques actuelles. Surtout, ce phénomène sera abordé pour décrire la structure de gouvernance informelle qui s’est développée au sein des institutions municipales, plus spécifiquement dans les cas de Laval et Montréal. Le modèle théorique de Della Porta et Vannucci (2012) permettra d’illustrer la façon dont les acteurs internalisent les normes de la corruption, comment ils développent des relations de confiance entre eux et, enfin, comment l’action de régulateurs vient cimenter l’institutionnalisation de réseaux de corruption. Enfin, le mémoire vise à déceler quels aspects inhérents aux institutions municipales québécoises les ont rendues vulnérables à la corruption. La faiblesse et la capacité limitée des institutions formelles à structurer avec succès les incitatifs sera mise de l’avant. On examinera les limites des institutions visant à établir une surveillance externe des municipalités, pour ensuite se pencher sur les institutions internes pouvant prévenir la corruption, soit la bureaucratie et la démocratie municipale. En bref, le mémoire vise à identifier les structures de gouvernance des réseaux de corruption à Laval et Montréal, puis à en expliquer la provenance par la faiblesse d’institutions qui auraient pu l’endiguer.

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Background: Gatekeeper training for community facilitators, to identify and respond to those at risk of suicide, forms an important part of multi-level community-based suicide prevention programmes. Aims: This study examined the effects of gatekeeper training on attitudes, knowledge and confidence of police officers in dealing with persons at risk of suicide. Methods: A total of 828 police officers across three European regions participated in a 4-hour training programme which addressed the epidemiology of depression and suicidal behaviour, symptoms of depression, warning signs and risk factors associated with suicidal behaviour, motivating help-seeking behaviour, dealing with acute suicidal crisis and informing bereaved relatives. Participants completed internationally validated questionnaires assessing stigmatising attitudes, knowledge about depression and confidence in dealing with suicidal persons pre- and post-training. Results: There were significant differences among countries in terms of previous exposure to suicidal persons and extent of previous training. Post-training evaluation demonstrated significant improvements in stigmatising attitudes, knowledge and confidence in all three countries. Conclusion: The consistently positive effects of gatekeeper training of police officers across different regions support inclusion of this type of training as a fundamental part of multi-level community-based suicide prevention programmes and roll-out, nationally and internationally.

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Knowledge-Based Management Systems enable new ways to process and analyse knowledge to gain better insights to solve a problem and aid in decision making. In the police force such systems provide a solution for enhancing operations and improving client administration in terms of knowledge management. The main objectives of every police officer is to ensure the security of life and property, promote lawfulness, and avert and distinguish wrongdoing. The administration of knowledge and information is an essential part of policing, and the police ought to be proactive in directing both explicit and implicit knowledge, whilst adding to their abilities in knowledge sharing. In this paper the potential for a knowledge based system for the Mauritius police was analysed, and recommendations were also made, based on requirements captured from interviews with several long standing officers, and surveying of previous works in the area.

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This article investigates how proactive police image work contends with the politics of queer history by drawing from aspects of affect theory. It asks: How does police image work engage with or respond to ongoing histories of state violence and queer resistance? And why does this matter? To explore these questions, the article provides a case study of the Victorian Pride March in 2002. It analyzes textual representations of Chief Commissioner Christine Nixon’s participation in the parade to show how histories of homophobic police violence can be used strategically to fortify a positive police image among LGBT people and the wider community. Police image work carried out at Pride March becomes a means of legitimizing past policing practices with the aim of overcoming poor and antagonistic LGBT-police relations. The visibility of police at Pride March, this analysis suggests, contributes to the normalization of queerness as a site to be continually policed and regulated. Image work here also buttresses police reputation against the negative press associated with incidents of police brutality. This investigation contributes to the literature on police communications and impression management by demonstrating how police can mobilize negative aspects of their organizational history as an important part of police image work in the present.

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This article argues that police studies should draw on the sociology of punishment to better understand state pain-delivery. Whereas penal theorists commonly assess the pain and punishment of inmates in relation to wider social sentiments, police theory has yet to regard police violence and harm in the same fashion. As a result, police scholarsoften fail to address why the damage caused by public constabularies, even when widely publicized, is accommodated and accepted. Adapting the idea of ‘punitiveness’ from penal theory allows some explanation of how the public views injury and suffering caused by the police by illuminating the emotions and sentiments their actions generate.

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The alarming proliferation of ‘campi nomadi’ (nomad camps) in Italy intensifies the urgency of analysing their internal mechanism and the complex relation between all the parties [1]; ‘camp dwellers’, government agencies and Civil Society organisations [CSOs][2], involved in their production and reification. To arrive at an adequate appreciation of this nexus, the three components of what has been termed the ‘camps system’ have been analysed separately. This approach helped to pinpoint how they have combined to produce a hegemonic perspective on Romani issues, which yields a simplistic binary interpretation of a complex and dynamic phenomenon: Romanies are generally viewed as either victims or threats, narrowing the range of responses to charity or hostility. Only in recent years a growing awareness regarding the agency of camp inhabitants has re-emerged more consistently after a period in which an ‘encamped life’ was at times associated to Agamben’s (1998) ‘bare life’ and Foucault’s (1977) ‘biopolitics’. Nevertheless, scholars are still hesitant in developing a current of study looking specifically at camps, not only as ‘resistance sites’, but more broadly as ‘all-inclusive systems’, where interacting and interdependent agents form an integrated whole. Through in-depth analysis of this specific socio-political context I was able to observe the existence of a democratic deficit in the way these actors operate and co-operate with each other: competition and antagonisms, corruption, lack of transparency and accountability, and inefficiencies have all contributed over the years to producing and maintaining the present living situation of the Romani peoples.

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Corruption is a problem in prisons about which we hear very little, except when there is an escape from custody or other scandal that makes the media. The closed nature of correctional institutions has made the activities that go on within them less visible to the outside world. While some persons might be inclined to dismiss correctional corruption as an issue, this view ignores the scale of criminality and misconduct that can go on in prison and the impact it can have upon not just the good order of the prison or the rights of prisoners but on the prospects for successful reintegration of ex-prisoners into society.This book is the first to examine the phenomenon in any detail or to suggest what might be done to reduce its incidence and the harms that can arise from it. Andrew Goldsmith, Mark Halsey and Andrew Groves argue that it is not enough to tackle corruption alone. Rather there should be a broader attempt to promote what the authors call ‘correctional integrity’.

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This research applied qualitative and narrative methodology to investigate police officers' professional practice and learning. Analysis of the data revealed three thematic frameworks of power-knowledge relations, practice and knowledge, and gender and (dis)embodied practice that harboured doubtful matters (aporias) and blind spots (lacunae). The potential for change and the possibility of different perspectives and new learning was evident. Paradigmatic shifts in thinking, learning and practice are needed for police officers to develop reflexive practice that is social, relational, agential, and embodied, however, limitations and constraints exist based on the strength and resilience of dominant pedagogies influenced by social, cultural, institutional and occupational practices and discourses.

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Goncalo de Melo Bandeira Counter-Terrorism, State of Emergency and Human Rights. In the global cities, the fight against terrorism is a way forward. Prevention of terrorism is another possible way. There are legal systems where the prevailing idea is combating terrorism. Fight, because is possible: life imprisonment or informal death penalty or even torture. While other jurisdictions only follow the prevention of terrorist crime: the retribution and positive general prevention and the resocialization. There may be extreme cases also in restorative justice. The recent terrorist attacks in Paris on 11.13.2015 have shown to the different types of police several problems. Some of those are: the declaration of State of emergency and the consequent restriction of human rights as the privacy of human communication or the liberty of travel by local city citizens or foreign citizens or the public entertainment shows, the problem of money laundering and the restriction of the business as usual, the vicious circle of more isolation from some urban communities, v.g. muslims, and other citizens also; and, brevitatis causa, the criminological problem of the causes and consequences of terrorism.

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Since ethics is such a predominant subject of interest on one hand, and graduating from a two or three-year college police technology program is the first step towards a police career un Quebec on the other, this study will look at the ethics of an incoming cohort of students in a two or three-year college professional police technology program. One of the aims will be to develop a profile of young people wishing to pursue a career in policing.||Résumé : Dans un premier temps, étant donné que l'éthique est un sujet d'intérêt majeur et que, dans un deuxième temps, un diplôme en techniques policières dans un programme collégial de deux ou trois ans est un prérequis pour une carrière policière au Québec, cette étude se penchera sur l'éthique d'une cohorte d'étudiants d'un tel programme. Un des buts de cette étude sera de déterminer le profil des jeunes qui désirent poursuivre une carrière policière.

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This thesis examines the development of state-narco networks in post-transition Bolivia. Mainstream discourses of drugs tend to undertheorise such relationships, holding illicit economies, weak states and violence as synergistic phenomena. Such assumptions fail to capture the nuanced relations that emerge between the state and the drug trade in different contexts, their underlying logics and diverse effects. As an understudied case, Bolivia offers novel insights into these dynamics. Bolivian military authoritarian governments (1964-1982), for example, integrated drug rents into clientelistic systems of governance, helping to establish factional coalitions and reinforce regime authority. Following democratic transition in 1982 and the escalation of US counterdrug efforts, these stable modes of exchange between the state and the coca-cocaine economy fragmented. Bolivia, though, continued to experience lower levels of drug-related violence than its Andean neighbours, and sustained democratisation despite being a major drug producer. Focusing on the introduction of the Andean Initiative (1989-1993), I explore state-narco interactions during this period of flux: from authoritarianism to (formal) democracy, and from Cold War to Drug War. As such, the thesis transcends the conventional analyses of the drugs literature and orthodox readings of Latin American narco-violence, providing insights into the relationship between illicit economies and democratic transition, the regional role of the US, and the (unintended) consequences of drug policy interventions. I utilise a mixed methods approach to offer discrete perspectives on the object of study. Drawing on documentary and secondary sources, I argue that state-narco networks were interwoven with Bolivia’s post-transition political settlement. Uneven democratisation ensured pockets of informalism, as clientelistic and authoritarian practices continued. This included police and military autonomy, and tolerance of drug corruption within both institutions. Non-enforcement of democratic norms of accountability and transparency was linked to the maintenance of fragile political equilibrium. Interviews with key US and Bolivian elite actors also revealed differing interpretations of state-narco interactions. These exposed competing agendas, and were folded into alternative paradigms and narratives of the ‘war on drugs’. The extension of US Drug War goals and the targeting of ‘corrupt’ local power structures, clashed with local ambivalence towards the drug trade, opposition to destabilising, ‘Colombianised’ policies and the claimed ‘democratising mission’ of the Bolivian government. In contrasting these US and Bolivian accounts, the thesis shows how real and perceived state-narco webs were understood and navigated by different actors in distinct ways. ‘Drug corruption’ held significance beyond simple economic transaction or institutional failure. Contestation around state-narco interactions was enmeshed in US-Bolivian relations of power and control.

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Esta investigación se interesa en evaluar los logros y retos que ha presentado el proyecto ASEAN Community en cada una de sus tres áreas de acción (Comunidad económica, comunidad de política y seguridad, y comunidad socio-cultural) ante su aplicación en Tailandia. De esta manera, se busca analizar la incidencia que ha tenido el proyecto en el Desarrollo Humano de Tailandia durante el periodo 2004-2014. A través del análisis del estatus actual a la luz del concepto de libertades instrumentales se realiza la evaluación de los resultados de los proyectos y su conveniencia o no para el desarrollo humano de la sociedad tailandesa.

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Describir el fenómeno de la corrupción es una manera de comprender el comportamiento desviado de los integrantes de determinada colectividad y el funcionamiento de su orden social. Por lo que resulta necesario abordar el tema como un fenómeno social, económico, político y también cultural.