963 resultados para Lingüística formal


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The central question for this paper is how to improve the production process by closing the gap between industrial designers and software engineers of television(TV)-based User Interfaces (UI) in an industrial environment. Software engineers are highly interested whether one UI design can be converted into several fully functional UIs for TV products with different screen properties. The aim of the software engineers is to apply automatic layout and scaling in order to speed up and improve the production process. However, the question is whether a UI design lends itself for such automatic layout and scaling. This is investigated by analysing a prototype UI design done by industrial designers. In a first requirements study, industrial designers had created meta-annotations on top of their UI design in order to disclose their design rationale for discussions with software engineers. In a second study, five (out of ten) industrial designers assessed the potential of four different meta-annotation approaches. The question was which annotation method industrial designers would prefer and whether it could satisfy the technical requirements of the software engineering process. One main result is that the industrial designers preferred the method they were already familiar with, which therefore seems to be the most effective one although the main objective of automatic layout and scaling could still not be achieved.

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The Dutch “brede school” (BS) development originates in the 1990s and has spread unevenly since: quicker in the primary than secondary educational sector. In 2007, there were about 1000 primary and 350 secondary BS schools and it is the intention of the government as well as the individual municipalities to extend that number and make the BS the dominant school form of the near future. In the primary sector, a BS cooperates with crèche and preschool facilities, besides possible other neighborhood partners. The main targets are, first, to enhance educational opportunities, particularly for children with little (western-) cultural capital, and secondly to increase women’s labor market participation by providing extra familial care for babies and small children. All primary schools are now obliged to provide such care. In the secondary sector, a BS is less neighborhood-orientated than a primary BS because those schools are bigger and more often located in different buildings. As in the primary sector, there are broad and more narrow BS, the first profile cooperating with many non-formal and other partners and facilities and the second with few. On the whole, there is a wide variety of BS schools, with different profiles and objectives, dependent on the needs and wishes of the initiators and the neighborhood. A BS is always the result of initiatives of the respective school and its partners: parents, other neighborhood associations, municipality etc. BS schools are not enforced by the government although the general trend will be that existing school organizations transform into BS. The integration of formal and non-formal education and learning is more advanced in primary than secondary schools. In secondary education, vocational as well as general, there is a clear dominance of formal education; the non-formal curriculum serves mainly two lines and objectives: first, provide attractive leisure activities and second provide compensatory courses and support for under-achievers who are often students with migrant background. In both sectors, primary and secondary, it is the formal school organization with its professionals which determines the character of a BS; there is no full integration of formal and non-formal education resulting in one non-disruptive learning trajectory, nor is there the intention to go in that direction. Non-formal pedagogues are partly professionals, like youth- and social workers, partly volunteers, like parents, partly non-educational partners, like school-police, psycho-medical help or commercial leisure providers. Besides that, the BS is regarded by government educational and social policy as a potential partner and anchor for community development. It is too early to make reliable statements about the effects of the BS movement in the Netherlands concerning the educational opportunities for disadvantaged children and their families, especially those with migrant background, and combat further segregation. Evaluation studies made so far are moderately positive but also point to problems of overly bureaucratized structures and layers, lack of sufficient financial resources and, again, are uncertain about long-term effects.

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Landscapes of education are a new topic within the debate about adequate and just education and human development for everybody. In particular, children and youths from social classes affected by poverty, a lack of prospects or minimal schooling are a focal group that should be offered new approaches and opportunities of cognitive and social development by way of these landscapes of education. It has become apparent that the traditional school alone does not suffice to meet this need. There is no doubt that competency-based orientation and employability are core areas with the help of which the generation now growing up will manage the start of its professional career. In addition and by no means less important, the development involves individual, social, cultural and societal perspectives that can be combined under the term of human development. In this context, the Capability Approach elaborated by Amartya Sen and Martha Nussbaum has developed a more extensive concept of human development and related it to empirical instruments. Using the analytic concept of individual capabilities and societal opportunities they shaped a socio-political formula that should be adapted in particular to modern social work. Moreover, the Capability Approach offers a critical foil with regard to further development and revision of institutionalised approaches in education and human development.

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Today, Digital Systems and Services for Technology Supported Learning and Education are recognized as the key drivers to transform the way that individuals, groups and organizations “learn” and the way to “assess learning” in 21st Century. These transformations influence: Objectives - moving from acquiring new “knowledge” to developing new and relevant “competences”; Methods – moving from “classroom” based teaching to “context-aware” personalized learning; and Assessment – moving from “life-long” degrees and certifications to “on-demand” and “in-context” accreditation of qualifications. Within this context, promoting Open Access to Formal and Informal Learning, is currently a key issue in the public discourse and the global dialogue on Education, including Massive Open Online Courses (MOOCs) and Flipped School Classrooms. This volume on Digital Systems for Open Access to Formal and Informal Learning contributes to the international dialogue between researchers, technologists, practitioners and policy makers in Technology Supported Education and Learning. It addresses emerging issues related with both theory and practice, as well as, methods and technologies that can support Open Access to Formal and Informal Learning. In the twenty chapters contributed by international experts who are actively shaping the future of Educational Technology around the world, topics such as: - The evolution of University Open Courses in Transforming Learning - Supporting Open Access to Teaching and Learning of People with Disabilities - Assessing Student Learning in Online Courses - Digital Game-based Learning for School Education - Open Access to Virtual and Remote Labs for STEM Education - Teachers’ and Schools’ ICT Competence Profiling - Web-Based Education and Innovative Leadership in a K-12 International School Setting are presented. An in-depth blueprint of the promise, potential, and imminent future of the field, Digital Systems for Open Access to Formal and Informal Learning is necessary reading for researchers and practitioners, as well as, undergraduate and postgraduate students, in educational technology.

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BACKGROUND Optimal surgery for pleomorphic adenoma of the parotid is controversial. In the present review, we discuss the advantages and disadvantages of the various approaches after addressing the surgical pathology of the parotid pleomorphic adenoma capsule and its influence on surgery. DATA SOURCES PubMed literature searches were performed to identify original studies. CONCLUSIONS Almost all pleomorphic adenomas can be effectively treated by formal parotidectomy, but the procedure is not mandatory. Extracapsular dissection is a minimal margin surgery; therefore, in the hands of a novice or occasional parotid surgeon, it may result in higher rates of recurrence. Partial superficial parotidectomy may be a good compromise. The tumor is removed with a greater cuff of healthy parotid tissue than in extracapsular dissection. This may minimize the recurrence rate. On the other hand, the removal of healthy parotid tissue compared with formal parotidectomy is limited, thus minimizing complications such as facial nerve dysfunction and Frey syndrome.

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La ciudad en tanto espacio amplio, heterogéneo y densificado ocupa un lugar particular en el estudio de fenómenos sociales. La tensión entre procesos intrínsecos, marcados por la transformación histórica de la ciudad, y tendencias globales como gentrificación y segregación del espacio urbano crea una compleja dinámica multidimensional que no solo se manifiesta en el aspecto físico, sino también en el imaginario colectivo del espacio urbano. Desde esta perspectiva del espacio-ciudad entendido como construcción social (en el sentido de la «producción del espacio social» de Lefèbvre 1974), percibido, concebido y vivido por quienes habitan en él, sus experiencias compartidas y sus objetivos comunes (Johnstone 2004: 69), la lengua adquiere un papel fundamental como medio de expresión y reflejo de las identidades urbanas. La ciudad se convierte en texto, en semiótica espacial. Las variedades en el uso de la lengua se convierten en símbolos espaciales, valorados e interpretados por los hablantes a base de un proceso perceptivo-selectivo y de sus representaciones extralingüísticas. Sirven, consciente o inconscientemente, para posicionarse dentro de la jerarquía urbana, provocan actitudes lingüísticas positivas o negativas. Por lo tanto, como ya lo hizo constar Labov en los años setenta, los habitantes de los grandes metrópolis se definen mucho más por sus actitudes y perjuicios lingüísticos marcados y persistentes que por las variedades que objetivamente hablan. Por eso, la perspectiva subjetiva de los hablantes, es decir, su percepción del espacio y de las diferencias en el uso de la lengua se considera cada vez más importante. El objetivo de esta ponencia es presentar consideraciones teóricas y metodológicas para el análisis de la percepción lingüística en el espacio urbano desde un enfoque interdisciplinario, poniendo en discusión conceptos de la Sociolingüística y de la Geografía Humana, como por ejemplo el uso de mapas cognitivos como representaciones del imaginario social, sobre el modelo del Área Metropolitana de Buenos Aires, ciudad que, como es sabido, destaca por la identificación geográfica y la conciencia lingüística de sus habitantes.

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En las grandes metrópolis latinoamericanas, de las cuales la Región Metropolitana de Buenos Aires es ejemplo paradigmático, la polarización tradicional ha sido reemplazada por una fragmentación social, funcional y geográfica muy marcada del espacio urbano. Desde el punto de vista del espacio urbano entendido como construcción social (en el sentido de la «producción del espacio social» de Lefèbvre 1974), percebido, concebido y vivido por quienes habitan en él, sus experiencias compartidas y sus objetivos comunes (Johnstone 2004: 69), la lengua adquiere un papel fundamental como medio de expresión y reflejo de las identidades urbanas. A raíz de la redistribución en la estructura socio-urbana, el sentido de pertenencia a un lugar se hace cada vez más importante, lo cual se manifiesta tanto en preferencias de consumo como en actitudes sociales y lingüísticas, y no en último término en el uso de la lengua. La práctica lingüística revela la práctica social, de modo que determinados rasgos lingüísticos alcanzan un valor socio-indexical, es decir, actúan como elementos lingüísticos capaces de crear o constituir un significado social. Por un lado, un hablante se identifica y se asocia a un determinado grupo mediante el uso de determinados rasgos lingüísticos y crea, así, su identidad social a través de la lengua. Por otro lado, determinados rasgos lingüísticos se atribuyen de manera metonímica y generalizada a un determinado grupo, asociado, a su vez, a un lugar dentro del espacio urbano. Un rasgo indicador de un grupo social se convierte, según la terminología de Labov, en un estereotipo cuando clasifica de manera categórica a un grupo dado. Estas variantes estereotipadas muchas veces perduran como rastros en el ámbito de la lengua, viéndose reforzadas constantemente también por la representación de los medios de comunicación, factor determinante e ineludible en la construcción del espacio social actual. El objetivo de esta comunicación es, pues, proponer un planteamiento teórico y metodológico que permita analizar los estereotipos lingüísticos y espaciales que se observan en el área metropolitana de Buenos Aires y que, al estar tan vinculados con los desarrollos socio-espaciales, nos servirán como fuente de información para el estudio de los procesos urbanos.