Aspects of dietary carbohydrate intake are not related to risk of colorectal polyps in the Tennessee Colorectal Polyp Study

Purpose: High digestible carbohydrate intakes can induce hyperglycemia and hyperinsulinemia and collectively have been implicated in colorectal tumor development. Our aim was to explore the association between aspects of dietary carbohydrate intake and risk of colorectal adenomas and hyperplastic polyps in a large case–control study.

Methods: Colorectal polyp cases (n = 1,315 adenomas only, n = 566 hyperplastic polyps only and n = 394 both) and controls (n = 3,184) undergoing colonoscopy were recruited between 2003 and 2010 in Nashville, Tennessee, USA. Dietary intakes were estimated by a 108-item food frequency questionnaire. Unconditional logistic regression analysis was applied to determine odds ratios (OR) and corresponding 95 % confidence intervals (CI) for colorectal polyps according to dietary carbohydrate intakes, after adjustment for potential confounders.

Results: No significant associations were detected for risk of colorectal adenomas when comparing the highest versus lowest quartiles of intake for total sugars (OR 1.03; 95 % CI 0.84–1.26), starch (OR 1.01; 95 % CI 0.81–1.26), total or available carbohydrate intakes. Similar null associations were observed between dietary carbohydrate intakes and risk of hyperplastic polyps, or concurrent adenomas and hyperplastic polyps.

Conclusion: In this US population, digestible carbohydrate intakes were not associated with risk of colorectal polyps, suggesting that dietary carbohydrate does not have an etiological role in the early stages of colorectal carcinogenesis.

The Intersection of Religious Autonomy and Religious Symbols: Setting the Stage

Two sets of issues in the area of law and religion have generated a large share of attention and controversy across a wide number of countries and jurisdictions in recent years. The first set of issues relates to the autonomy of churches and other religiously affiliated entities such as schools and social service organisations in their hiring and personnel decisions, involving the question of how far, if at all, such entities should be free from the influence and oversight of the state. The second set of issues involves the presence of religious symbols in the public sphere, such as in state schools or on public lands, involving the question of how far the state should be free from the influence of religion. Although these issues – freedom of religion from the state, and freedom of the state from religion – could be viewed as opposite sides of the same coin, they are almost always treated as separate lines of inquiry, and the implications of each for the other have not been the subject of much scrutiny. In this Introduction, we consider whether insights might be drawn from thinking about these issues both from a comparative law perspective and also from considering these two lines of cases together.

Conflicts in the Middle East since 1945, (London: Routledge, 2007, Third Edition).

This third edition of Conflicts in the Middle East since 1945 analyzes the nature of conflict in the Middle East, with its racial, ethnic, political, cultural, religious and economic factors. Throughout the book Peter Hinchcliffe and Beverley Milton-Edwards put the main conflicts into their wider context, with thematic debates on issues such as the emergence of radical Islam, the resolution of conflicts, diplomacy and peace-making, and the role of the superpowers.

The book is brought fully up to date with events in the Middle East, covering, for instance, developments in Iraq in 2006 where a democratically elected government is in place but the insurgency show no sign of coming under control. The analysis of the Palestinian/Israeli conflict is also brought up to the present day, to include the election of the Hamas government and the 2006 conflict between Israel and Lebanon’s Hizballah.

Including a newly updated bibliography and maps of the area, this is the perfect introduction for all students wishing to understand the complex situation in the Middle East, in its historical context.

Relationships between Religion and Two Forms of Homonegativity in Europe—A Multilevel Analysis of Effects of Believing, Belonging and Religious Practice

This paper examines relationships between religion and two forms of homonegativity
across 43 European countries using a bivariate response binary logistic multilevel model. The model analyzes effects of religious believing, belonging and practice on two response variables: a) a moral rejection of homosexuality as a practice and b) intolerance toward homosexuals as a group. The findings indicate that both forms of homonegativity are prevalent in Europe. Traditional doctrinal religious believing (belief in a personal God) is positively related to a moral rejection of homosexuality but to a much lesser extent associated with intolerance toward homosexuals as a group. Members of religious denominations are more likely than non-members to reject homosexuality as morally wrong and to reject homosexuals as neighbors. The analysis found significant differences between denominations that are likely context-dependent. Attendance at religious services is positively related to homonegativity in a majority of countries. The findings vary considerably across countries: Religion is more strongly related to homonegativity in Western than in Eastern Europe. In the post-soviet countries homonegativity appears to be largely a secular phenomenon. National contexts of high religiosity, high perceived government corruption, high income inequality and shortcomings in the implementation of gay rights in the countries’ legislations are statistically related to higher levels of both moralistic homonegativity and intolerance toward homosexuals as a group.

Religious Geopolitics of Palestinian Christianity: Palestinian Christian Zionists, Palestinian Liberation Theologists, and American Missions to Palestine

The introduction of Protestantism into the Middle East by American missionaries in the nineteenth century met with limited success while the responses and internalizations of local converts proved incredibly diverse. The two resultant theological descendants are Palestinian Christian Zionists and Palestinian Liberation Theologists. The article provides a short history of these two movements and highlights influential voices through interviews and media analysis. This article argues that hybrid religious identifications with nation and place has transcended, in some cases, political struggle for territory.

Religious Nationalism and Christian Zionist Pilgrimages to Holy Landscapes

Religious actions speak louder than words::exposure to credibilityenhancing displays predicts theism

One of the central aims of the cognitive science of religion (CSR) is to explain why supernatural agent beliefs are so widespread. A related but distinct aim is to explain why some individuals hold supernatural agent beliefs but others do not. Here, we aim to provide an initial test of the power of exposure to what Henrich calls “credibility enhancing displays” (or “CREDs”) in determining whether or not an individual holds explicit supernatural agent beliefs. We present evidence from two studies of Americans suggesting that exposure to CREDs, as measured by a scale we developed and validated, predicts current theism vs. non-theism, certainty of God’s existence/non-existence, and religiosity while controlling for overall religious socialization. These results are among the first to empirically support the theorized significance of CREDs for the acquisition of supernatural agent beliefs.

What is being taught in Religious Education classes in Northern Ireland and to what extent should states be concerned about regulation, quality and control of the subject?

This paper reports on a research project designed to discover what schools are teaching in Religious Education in Northern Ireland and what procedures are in place to maintain standards in the delivery of the subject. A search through literature shows that little research has been carried out to determine what is being taught in Religious Education in Northern Ireland. It also indicates that there are very weak systems of control to measure the effectiveness or quality of what is delivered. A survey of the websites of all Post-Primary schools in the region was used to provide some answers to the basic question of what is being taught in RE. Using content and discourse analysis of these alongside supporting documentary sources (textbooks and exam specifications), it is possible to get a clearer picture of how the Northern Ireland Core Syllabus for Religious Education and any additional curricular elements are delivered in schools. The findings show that a significant minority of schools do not publicly articulate what pupils do in religious education. In situations where the content of religious education is made clear, some definite trends are evident. Despite the existence of a statutory core syllabus, there is significant variation in what is taught in schools. The content is most divergent from the syllabus in relation to the teaching of World Religions at Key Stage 3 and at Key Stage 4 whole elements of the syllabus are neglected due to limited conformity between the syllabus and exam specifications. These results raise important questions about the systems of regulation and control of the subject in the region. In law the subject is exempt from formal inspection by the local inspection authority; instead, a form of inspection is allowed for by the Christian churches who design the syllabus, but it is a process that is either entirely neglected or entirely unreported in situations where it does occur. It is argued that these findings raise questions of more general concern for this and other regions in Europe where the teaching of religious education is largely unregulated. For example, to what extent should states take an interest in what is taught in religious education, how it is delivered, what values it promotes and how standards of teaching and learning in the subject are upheld?

Northern Ireland

Northern Ireland has been considered a conflict-resolution success story. The 1998 Belfast/Good Friday Agreement provided a framework for managing a long-standing ethnonational conflict, and has ushered in relative political stability. The consociational features of the Northern Ireland Assembly can be seen either as necessary for managing conflict or as institutionalizing sectarianism so that politics along left–right lines cannot emerge. Although there is evidence for the development of a “Northern Irish” identity to counter competing British and Irish identities, Northern Ireland is a long way from transcending the sectarian structures that shape almost all aspects of social and political life. Northern Ireland remains segregated along religious lines and is also prone to tensions around the anniversaries of atrocities and the public use of symbols and rituals. The failure to systematically “deal with the past” through public information recovery and truth-telling mechanisms also seems to have hindered progress toward reconciliation.

Not all social cleavages are the same: On the relationship between religious diversity and party system fragmentation

Most studies examining the relationship between social cleavages and party system fragmentation maintain that higher levels of social diversity lead to greater party system fragmentation. However, most aggregate-level studies focus on one type of social cleavage:ethnic diversity. In order to develop a better understanding of how different cleavages impact electoral competition, this paper considers another type of social cleavage: religious diversity.Contrary to previous literature, higher levels of religious diversity provide incentives for cross-religious cooperation, which in turn reduces party system fragmentation. Using a cross national data set of elections from 1946-2011, the results show that, in contrast to most studies examining the effects of social cleavage diversity on the number of parties, higher religious diversity is associated with lower levels of party system fragmentation.