Australia and East Timor : elitism, pragmatism and the national interest

For over two decades the issue of East Timor's right to self-determination has been a ‘prickly’ issue in Australian foreign policy. The invasion by Indonesian forces in 1975 was expected, as Australian policy-makers had been well informed of the events leading up to the punitive action being taken. Indeed, prior discussions involving the future of the territory were held between the Australian Prime Minister and the Indonesian President in 1974. In response to the events unfolding in the territory the Australian Labor Government at the time was presented with two policy options for dealing with the issue. The Department of Defence recommended the recognition of an independent East Timor; whereas the Department of Foreign Affairs proposed that Australia disengage itself as far as possible from the issue. The decision had ramifications for future policy considerations especially with changes in government. With the Department of Foreign Affairs option being the prevailing policy what were the essential ingredients that give explanation for the government's choice? It is important to note the existence of the continuity and cyclical nature of attitudes by Labor governments toward Indonesia before and after the invasion. To do so requires an analysis of the influence ‘Doc’ Evatt had in shaping any possible Labor tradition in foreign policy articulation. The support given by Evatt for the decolonisation of the Netherlands East Indies (Indonesia) gave rise to the development of a special relationship-so defined. Evidence of the effect Evatt had on future Labor governments may be found in the opinions of Gough Whitlam. In 1975 when he was Prime Minister, Whitlam felt the East Timor issue was merely the finalisation of Indonesia's decolonisation honouring Evatt's long held anti-colonialist tradition existing in the Australian Labor Party. The early predisposition toward Indonesia's cohesiveness surfaced again in the Hawke and Keating Labor governments of later years. It did not vary a great deal with changes in government The on-going commitment to preserving and strengthening the bilateral relationship meant Indonesia's territorial integrity became the focus of the Australian political elites’ regional foreign policy determinations. The actions taken by policy-makers served to promote the desire for a stable region ahead of independence claims of the East Timorese. From a realist perspective, the security dilemma for Australian policy-makers was how to best promote regional order and stability in the South East Asian region. The desire for regional cohesiveness and stability continues to drive Australian political elites to promote policies that gives a priority to the territorial integrity of regional states. Indonesia, in spite of its diversity, was only ever thought of as a cohesive unitary state and changes to its construct have rarely been countenanced. Australia's political elite justifications for this stance vacillate between strategic and economic considerations, ideological (anti-colonialism) to one of being a pragmatic response to international politics. The political elite argues the projection of power into the region is in Australia’s national interest. The policies from one government to the next necessarily see the national interest as being an apparent fixed feature of foreign policy. The persistent fear of invasion from the north traditionally motivated Australia's political elite to adopt a strategic realist policy that sought to ‘shore up’ the stability, strength and unity of Indonesia. The national interest was deemed to be at risk if support for East Timorese independence was given. The national interest though can involve more than just the security issue, and the political elite when dealing with East Timor assumed that they were acting in the common good. Questions that need to be addressed include determining what is the national interest in this context? What is the effect of a government invoking the national interest in debates over issues in foreign policy? And, who should participate in the debate? In an effort to answer these questions an analysis of how the ex-foreign affairs mandarin Richard Woolcott defines the national interest becomes crucial. Clearly, conflict in East Timor did have implications for the national interest. The invasion of East Timor by Indonesia had the potential to damage the relationship, but equally communist successes in 1975 in Indo-China raised Australia's regional security concerns. During the Cold War, the linking of communism to nationalism was driving the decision-making processes of the Australian policy-makers striving to come to grips with the strategic realities of a changing region. Because of this, did the constraints of world politics dominated by Cold War realities combined with domestic political disruption have anything to do with Australia's response? Certainly, Australia itself was experiencing a constitutional crisis in late 1975. The Senate had blocked supply and the Labor Government did not have the funds to govern. The Governor-General by dismissing the Labor Government finally resolved the impasse. What were the reactions of the two men charged with the responsibility of forming the caretaker government toward Indonesia's military action? And, could the crisis have prevented the Australian government from making a different response to the invasion? Importantly, and in terms of economic security, did the knowledge of oil and gas deposits thought to exist in the Timor Sea influence Australia's foreign policy? The search for oil and gas requires a stable political environment in which to operate. Therefore for exploration to continue in the Timor Sea Australia must have had a preferred political option and thoughts of with whom they preferred to negotiate. What was the extent of each government's cooperation and intervention in the oil and gas industry and could any involvement have influenced the Australian political elites’ attitude toward the prospect of an independent East Timor? Australia's subsequent de jure recognition that East Timor was part of Indonesia paved the way for the Timor Gap (Zone of Cooperation) Treaty signing in 1989. The signing underpinned Australia's acceptance of Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor. The outcome of the analysis of the issues that shaped Australia's foreign policy toward East Timor showed that the political elite became locked into an integration model, which was defended by successive governments. Moreover, they formed an almost reflexive defence of Indonesia both at the domestic and international level.

Ecological and life-history factors influencing the evolution of maternal antibody allocation : a phylogenetic comparison

Maternally derived yolk antibodies provide neonates with immune protection in early life at negligible cost to mothers. However, developmental effects on the neonate's future immunity are potentially costly and thus could limit yolk antibody deposition. The benefits to neonatal immunity must be balanced against costs, which may depend on neonate vulnerability to pathogens, developmental trajectories and the immunological strategies best suited to a species' pace of life. We measured yolk antibodies and life-history features of 23 species of small Neotropical birds and assessed the evidence for each of several hypotheses for life history and ecological effects on the evolution of yolk antibody levels. Developmental period and yolk antibodies are negatively related, which possibly reflect the importance of humoral immune priming through antigen exposure, and selection to avoid autoimmunity, in species with a slower pace of life. There is also a strong relationship between body size and yolk antibody concentration, suggesting that larger species are architecturally equipped to produce and transfer higher concentrations of antibodies. These results suggest that developmental effects of maternally derived antibodies, such as imprinting effects on B-cell diversity or autoimmune effects, are important and deserve more consideration in future research.

Writing/reading a life : the rhetorical practice of autobiography

This essay examines how the introduction/preface to a non-fiction text is constructed as autobiographical practice – a sort of ‘introduction-as-memoir’. The use and autobiographical effects of rhetorical tropes (stake inoculation, metaphor and binary oppositions) are examined in the introduction that prefaces Massacre myth (Moran, 1999), a polemic account of the 1926 police massacre of Aborigines that was the catalyst for Australia’s ‘History Wars’. Using the analytical methods of deconstruction, I tease out how language, structure and a (seemingly) objective account of historical virtues are recruited to the project of autobiography, and illuminate the role of language in the construction of the authorial subject (and Others), and show how these are entangled with broader social, political and epistemological issues. The analysis underlines the dialogic relationship between text, reader and society, and the instability of truth claims and the authorial subject of autobiography.

Assessment of first sexual intercourse in young women with a history of childhood sexual abuse

Women reporting childhood sexual abuse (CSA) that involved actual or attempted penetration may not identify this as their first sexual intercourse. Data were drawn from a population-based, prospective cohort study spanning adolescence to adulthood. CSA prior to age 16 and age of first sexual intercourse with a male were assessed retrospectively. More than half of women reporting CSA in the form of actual or penetrative abuse reported an age of first sexual intercourse at or beyond 16 years. Direct questioning about CSA is needed to accurately ascertain sexual history.

Democracy in Iraq : history, politics, discourse

This book proposes a significant reassessment of the history of Iraq, documenting democratic experiences from ancient Mesopotamia through to the US occupation. Such an analysis takes to task claims that the ‘West’ has a uniquely democratic history and a responsibility to spread democracy across the world. It also reveals that Iraq has a democratic history all of its own, from ancient Middle Eastern assemblies and classical Islamic theology and philosophy, through to the myriad political parties, newspapers and protest movements of more recent times. This book argues that the democratic history of Iraq could serve as a powerful political and discursive tool where the Iraqi people may come to feel a sense of ownership over democracy and take pride in endorsing it. This could go a long way towards mitigating the current conflicts across the nation and in stabilizing and legitimating its troubled democracy.

Taking an interdisciplinary approach and referring to some of the most influential critical theorists to question ideological assumptions about democracy and its history, this book will be useful to those interested in political and legal history, human rights and democracy.

What was web 2.0? Versions as the dominant mode of internet history

This paper explores Web 2.0 as the marker of a discourse about the nature and purpose of the internet in the recent past. It focuses on how Web 2.0 introduced to our thinking about the internet a discourse of versions. Such a discourse enables the telling of a ‘history’ of the internet which involves a complex interweaving of past, present and future, as represented by the additional versions which the introduction of Web 2.0 enabled. The paper concludes that the discourse of versions embodied in Web 2.0 obscures as much as it reveals, and suggests a new project based on investigations of the everyday memories of the internet by which individual users create their own histories of online technology.

War and private sentiment in Australia during 1915

This article investigates the development of a total war mentality in Australia during the First World War. Through a study of private letters and diaries, it observes the much greater level of popular commitment to the war that emerged in the middle of 1915, and an increasing acceptance throughout that year that the expanding war had taken on a life of its own, and that it would not end suddenly or without tremendous sacrifice. By the end of 1915, Australians were showing ever greater levels of dedication to a war offering increasingly less sense of how long it might continue.

The evolution of structural adjustment and stabilization policy in Jamaica

Includes bibliography

Battle Of King's Mountain History - Accession 44 - M19 (29)

Written by Helen Deane Chandler, the history describes the battle fought in York County, South Carolina on October 7, 1780, gives brief accounts of previous celebrations of the battle, contains illustrations showing the battlefield and monuments, and has information concerning the 150th anniversary celebration that took place in 1930.

Bethel Baptist Church of Sumter, SC, History - Accession 209 - M93 (119)

The Bethel Baptist Church of Sumter, SC History consists of a short history of Bethel Baptist Church in Sumter, SC from its beginning in 1780 to 1974.

The life histories of the two tropical warblers Sylvia boehmi and Sylvia lugens

Ziel der Arbeit war die Quantifizierung einer Reihe von Lebenszyklusmerkmalen der beiden tropischen Grasmückenarten Sylvia boehmi und S. lugens (Aves: Sylviidae; frühere Gattung Parisoma). 13 Brutpaare beider Arten wurden von 2000 bis 2002 in Kenia beobachtet. Die Daten wurden mit multivariater Statistik und multistate mark-recapture Modellen ausgewertet. Die Lebenszyklusmerkmale der beiden untersuchten Sylvia Arten sind im Vergleich zu den temperaten Sylvia-Arten gekennzeichnet durch kleine Gelege von zwei Eiern, lange Inkubationsperioden (S. boehmi (b.) 15.0 Tage, S. lugens (l.) 14.5 Tage), lange Nestlingsperioden (b. 12.9 Tage, l. 16.0 Tage), und niedrige Nesterfolgsraten (b. 19.4%, l. 33.2%). Der Zeitraum vom Ausfliegen der Jungen bis zu ihrer Unabhängigkeit war mit 58.5 Tagen bei S. boehmi und 37.5 Tagen bei S. lugens vergleichsweise lang und die Überlebensrate der flüggen Jungen in dieser Zeit war relativ hoch (b. 69.2%, l. 55.4%). Die jährliche Überlebensrate der brütenden adulten Tiere betrug bei S. boehmi 71.2% und bei S. lugens 57.2%. Die Saisonalität des Habitats, bedingt durch Regen- und Trockenzeiten, hatte keinen Einfluss auf die monatliche Überlebensrate im Laufe eines Jahres. Trotz hoher Nestprädationsraten gab es keinen klaren Zusammenhang zwischen Prädation und Fütterungsrate, Nestbewachung oder Neststandort.

"the easter rising of 1916: A step towards the independence of ireland analysed through the works of irish writers."

The 1916 Easter Rising, an unsuccessful insurrection which resulted in the Irish War of Independence, generated a deep change in the political landscape in Ireland. The purpose of this work is to describe this crucial period in the history of Ireland through the voices of Irish writers who expressed their ideas and feelings about the way Ireland was close to gaining its independence. Thanks to songs, poems and literature, I analysed the events of that period through the eyes of the Irish people. Authors like Roddy Doyle and William Butler Yeats were fundamental in examining this topic very thoroughly. Through their works, they were able to convey their knowledge about the events of those years and, at the same time, to give their own opinion, as Irish people, on the topic.

The Blue Dog Coalition: Impact of a Single-Issue Caucus from the 104th to the 110th Congress

The Blue Dog Coalition is an informal organization of legislators within the House of Representatives that strives to influence policy on fiscal responsibility, attract the attention of the electorate, They are a group that elicits wide range of reactions covering the length of the political spectrum, but despite this, their claims of special defense of fiscal conservatism within the Democratic Party have gone relatively undocumented by the academic community.This project has integrated a party literature with a caucus literature, in the attempt of building a novel framework for research. Work on polarization, the significance of parties, the purpose and history of caucuses all have been fused in such away that the Blue Dogs have created an opportunity to test broad congressional questions on a caucus-microcosm scale. Three important questions have emerged from the many possible avenues of exploration on the topic: How does admission into the Blue Dog Coalition effect voting behavior - measured by interest, ideology, and party unityscores? How does party leadership delegate prestigious committee assignments, a traditional indicator of partisan favor and influence, towards Blue Dogs? Can we use the Blue Dog Coalition as an indicator of fiscal conservatism? To each of these questions, a number of interesting results emerged. Blue Dogs, in the 104th scored higher in conservative interest group scores, more towards the center in ideological methods, and lower in party unity Dogs began to behave closer to their Democratic counterparts. In addition, membership on these select committees rose from a very small number to greater proportional parity within the Democratic Party. Perhaps most interesting, the Blue Dog Coalition does behave as a significant, independent predictor effect on NTU scores, a variable used to demonstrate fiscal conservatism. This research has shown, first and foremost, that it is useful and practical to applyold arguments within the party literature to a smaller, caucus level of analysis that is relatively untouched by the political science field. For the Blue Dogs, specifically, we have tested the validity of their claims in an attempt to reach broader questions ofdemocratic responsibility and electoral clarity. This work, and other work I have drawn upon, has barely scratched the surface on Blue Dog Democrats and other caucuses of comparable influence and popularity, and there remains a wealth of research material onthis caucus alone to be explored by scholars in the field of congressional politics.

The Failure of Silence and the Manipulation of Memory: How Spain's pact of oblivion has failed to rid the country of its troubled past

This thesis is an analysis of Spain’s development from dictatorship to democracy in light of the trauma that it endured during the Spanish Civil War of 1936 – 1939 and the dictatorship of Francisco Franco, which lasted until 1975. Drawing from the work of Maurice Halbwachs and Pierre Nora, this thesis seeks to use the concepts of collective memory and lieux de mémoire to analyze what role memory has played in Spanish society from 1939 to the present day. Theanalysis begins with an overview of the Spanish Civil War and Franco’s ensuing dictatorship in order to establish an understanding of the trauma endured by Spain and its people. Of importance will be the manner in which the presentation of history became manipulated anddistorted under Franco as the dictator sought to control the country’s collective memory. With this background in mind, the thesis then turns to analyze how the memory of Spain’s past has affected the country’s development in two eras: during its transition to democracy in the 1970s and in the present day. Of central importance is the pact of silence that was established during the transition to democracy, which was a tacit agreement among the Spanish people to notdiscuss the past. This pact of silence still clouds Spain’s memory today and affects modern discourse concerning the past. Yet it is clear that Spain has not been reconciled to its past, as the provocation of history inevitably results in tension and controversy. The central contention of this thesis is that the pact of silence that surrounds Spain’s past has not eliminated the trauma of the Civil War and dictatorship, as demonstrated by the controversy stirred up by people, groups and places in the present day. This contention has repercussions for the study of history as a whole, as it indicates that the past cannot be muted in order to achievereconciliation; rather, it suggests that we must engage the past in order to be reconciled to it.