998 resultados para COMBUSTIBLES - AMERICA CENTRAL - PROYECTOS


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Bibliography: p. 155-164.

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Bibliographical footnotes.

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With changed title-pages and binder's titles, including the same material as his Works, San Francisco, 1882-90, 39 v.; omitting v. 1-5, The native races of the Pacific states ...

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El presente trabajo se inscribe dentro de una investigación más amplia en el marco del trabajo final de grado de la Licenciatura en Trabajo Social, el interés primordial de esta propuesta radica en conocer las Representaciones Sociales de los (as) jóvenes, involucrados en un Proyecto Socio-Productivo en relación al trabajo, de la localidad de Santa Ana, Misiones Argentina. Para ello se parte desde una concepción del trabajo, como un soporte privilegiado de inscripción en la estructura social. De esta forma se pretende abordar las transformaciones desarrolladas alrededor del mundo del trabajo, con el fin de poder contextualizar y comprender los propios sentidos y significados que se configuran alrededor del trabajo, desde las perspectivas de los propios actores. La preocupación central de esta propuesta que se sintetiza en este documento es conocer: ¿Cuáles son las representaciones sociales que tienen los (as) jóvenes, en relación al mundo trabajo?, ¿cómo se vinculan con el mercado de trabajo, con las nuevas formas de trabajo?, o ¿con el no trabajo?, buscar respuestas en ellos que nos permitan comprender si están configurando nuevas formas de identidad juvenil, a partir de nuevas definiciones, por ejemplo de lo que es el trabajo... respuestas no definitivas pero que nos alientan a seguir en la búsqueda de las múltiples formas en que los sujetos procesan las condiciones objetivas de existencia por las que atraviesan

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La importancia del marxismo en el pensamiento latinoamericano ha sido señalada en reiteradas oportunidades. Su capacidad para generar diversos proyectos políticos y culturales fue una característica central de dicha tradición, desplegada a través de distintos agentes e instituciones desde la llegada de los escritos de Marx y Engels a América Latina a fines del siglo XIX. Sin embargo, buena parte de esa historia todavía es parcial, anclada en perspectivas nacionales y poco atenta al estudio de sus formas materiales, esto es, a aquellos aspectos a través de los cuales el discurso marxista logró conformar una materialidad específica, tanto para la elaboración teórica como la acción de militantes, obreros, estudiantes e intelectuales. El trabajo tiene como objetivo proponer una exploración del marxismo latinoamericano desde la perspectiva de la reconstrucción de su mundo impreso, a partir de delinear una serie de problemas, temas y reflexiones solventados en el estudio de la editorial Coyoacán de Jorge Abelardo Ramos a principios de los años sesentas en la Argentina

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En este trabajo trazamos líneas de comparación entre los procesos de instalación de planes de desarrollo industrial subsidiados por el Estado nacional en dos grandes regiones de América Latina: la Amazonia brasilera y la Patagonia argentina. Ponemos en debate la noción de desarrollo, enfrentando la igualación que se había construido entre este concepto y el de crecimiento. Con ese objetivo, realizamos una lectura de los planes de desarrollo en su dimensión estructural y nos adentramos en el campo de las luchas sociales y políticas, abarcando para ello un amplio y complejo período histórico

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The purpose of this study is to create a petroleum system model and to assess whether or not the La Luna Formation has potential for unconventional exploration and production in the Middle Magdalena Valley Basin (MMVB), Colombia. Today, the Magdalena River valley is an intermontane valley located between the Central and Eastern Cordillera of Colombia. The underlying basin, however, represents a major regional sedimentary basin that received deposits from the Triassic through the Cenozoic. In recent years Colombia has been of great exploration interest because of its potentially vast hydrocarbon resources, existing petroleum infrastructure, and skilled workforce. Since the early 1900s when the MMVB began producing, it has led to discoveries of 1.9 billion barrels of oil (BBO) and 2.5 trillion cubic feet (Tcf) of gas (Willatt et al., 2012). Colombia is already the third largest producer of oil in South America, and there is good potential for additional unconventional exploration and production in the Cretaceous source rocks (Willatt et al., 2012). Garcia Gonzalez et al. (2009) estimate the potential remaining hydrocarbons in the La Luna Formation in the MMVB to be between 1.15 and 10.33 billion barrels of oil equivalent (BBOE; P90 and P10 respectively), with 2.02 BBOE cumulative production to date. Throughout the 1900s and early 2000s, Cenozoic continental and transitional clastic reservoirs were the primary exploration interest in the MMVB (Dickey, 1992). The Cretaceous source rocks, such as the La Luna Formation, are now the target for unconventional exploration and production. In the MMVB, the La Luna formation is characterized by relatively high total organic carbon (TOC) values, moderate maturity, and adequate thickness and depth (Veigal and Dzelalijal, 2014). The La Luna Formation is composed of Cenomanian-Santonian aged shales, marls, and limestones (Veigal and Dzelalijal, 2014). In addition to the in-situ hydrocarbons, the fractured limestones in the La Luna formation act as secondary reservoirs for light oil from other formations (Veigal and Dzelalijal, 2014). Thus the system can be considered more of a hybrid play, rather than a pure unconventional play. The Cretaceous source rocks of the MMVB exhibit excellent potential for unconventional exploration and production. Due to the complex structural nature of the MMVB, an understanding of the distribution of rocks and variations in rock qualities is essential for reducing risk in this play.

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We present modulation instability analysis including azimuthal perturbations of steady-state continuous wave (CW) propagation in multicore-fiber configurations with a central core. In systems with a central core, a steady CW evolution regime requires power-controlled phase matching, which offers interesting spatial-division applications. Our results have general applicability and are relevant to a range of physical and engineering systems, including high-power fiber lasers, optical transmission in multicore fiber, and systems of coupled nonlinear waveguides. © 2013 Optical Society of America.

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For the first time in more than fifty years, the domestic and external conflicts in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) are not primarily ideological in nature. Democracy continues to thrive and its promise still inspires hope. In contrast, the illegal production, consumption, and trading of drugs – and its links to criminal gangs and organizations – represent major challenges to the region, undermining several States’ already weak capacity to govern. While LAC macroeconomic stability has remained resilient, illegal economies fill the region, often offering what some States have not historically been able to provide – elements of human security, opportunities for social mobility, and basic survival. Areas controlled by drug trafficking organizations (DTOs) are now found in Central America, Mexico, and the favelas of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, reflecting their competition for land routes and production areas. Cartels such as La Familia, Los Zetas, and Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC-Brazil), among others, operate like trade and financial enterprises that manage millions of dollars and resources, demonstrating significant business skills in adapting to changing circumstances. They are also merciless in their application of violence to preserve their lucrative enterprises. The El Salvador-Guatemala-Honduras triangle in Central America is now the most violent region in the world, surpassing regions in Africa that have been torn by civil strife for years. In Brazil’s favelas and Guatemala’s Petén region, the military is leaving the barracks again; not to rule, however, but to supplement and even replace the law enforcement capacity of weak and discredited police forces. This will challenge the military to apply lessons learned during the course of their experience in government, or from the civil wars that plagued the region for nearly 50 years during the Cold War. Will they be able to conduct themselves according to the professional ethics that have been inculcated over the past 20 years without incurring violations of human rights? Belief in their potential to do good is high according to many polls as the Armed Forces still enjoy a favorable perception in most societies, despite frequent involvement in corruption. Calling them to fight DTOs, however, may bring them too close to the illegal activities they are being asked to resist, or even rekindle the view that only a “strong hand” can resolve national troubles. The challenge of governance is occurring as contrasts within the region are becoming sharper. There is an increasing gap between nations positioned to surpass their “developing nation” status and those that are practically imploding as the judicial, political and enforcement institutions fall further into the quagmire of illicit activities. Several South American nations are advancing their political and economic development. Brazil in particular has realized macro-economic stability, made impressive gains in poverty reduction, and is on track to potentially become a significant oil producer. It is also an increasingly influential power, much closer to the heralded “emerging power” category that it aspired to for most of the 20th century. In contrast, several Central American States have become so structurally deficient, and have garnered such limited legitimacy, that their countries have devolved into patches of State controlled and non-State-controlled territory, becoming increasingly vulnerable to DTO entrenchment. In the Caribbean, the drug and human trafficking business also thrives. Small and larger countries are experiencing the growing impact of illicit economies and accompanying crime and violence. Among these, Guyana and Suriname face greater uncertainty, as they juggle both their internal affairs and their relations with Brazil and Venezuela. Cuba also faces new challenges as it continues focusing on internal rather than external affairs and attempts to ensure a stable leadership succession while simultaneously trying to reform its economy. Loosening the regime’s tight grip on the economy while continuing to curtail citizen’s civil rights will test the leadership’s ability to manage change and prevent a potential socio-economic crisis from turning into an existential threat. Cuba’s past ideological zest is now in the hands of Venezuela’s President Hugo Chavez, who continues his attempts to bring the region together under Venezuelan leadership ideologically based on a “Bolivarian” anti-U.S. banner, without much success. The environment and natural disasters will merit more attention in the coming years. Natural events will produce increasing scales of destruction as the States in the region fail to maintain and expand existing infrastructure to withstand such calamities and respond to their effects. Prospects for earthquakes, tsunamis, and hurricanes are high, particularly in the Caribbean. In addition, there are growing rates of deforestation in nearly every country, along with a potential increase in cross-sector competition for resources. The losers might be small farmers, due to their inability to produce quantities commensurate to larger conglomerates. Regulations that could mitigate these types of situations are lacking or openly violated with near impunity. Indigenous and other vulnerable populations, including African descendants, in several Andean countries, are particularly affected by the increasing extraction of natural resources taking place amongst their terrain. This has led to protests against extraction activities that negatively affect their livelihoods, and in the process, these historically underprivileged groups have transitioned from agenda-based organization to one that is bringing its claims and grievances to the national political agenda, becoming more politically engaged. Symptomatic of these social issues is the region’s chronically poor quality of education that has consistently failed to reduce inequality and prepare new generations for jobs in the competitive global economy, particularly the more vulnerable populations. Simultaneously, the educational deficit is also exacerbated by the erosion of access to information and freedom of the press. The international panorama is also in flux. New security entities are challenging the old establishment. The Union of South American Nations, The South American Defense Council, the socialist Bolivarian Alliance, and other entities seem to be defying the Organization of American States and its own defense mechanisms, and excluding the U.S. And the U.S.’s attention to areas in conflict, namely Iraq, Afghanistan, and Pakistan – rather than to the more stable Latin America and Caribbean – has left ample room for other actors to elbow in. China is now the top trading partner for Brazil. Russian and Iran are also finding new partnerships in the region, yet their links appear more politically inclined than those of China. Finally, the aforementioned increasing commercial ties by LAC States with China have accelerated a return to the preponderance of commodities as sources of income for their economies. The increased extraction of raw material for export will produce greater concern over the environmental impact that is created by the exploitation of natural resources. These expanded trade opportunities may prove counterproductive economically for countries in the region, particularly for Brazil and Chile, two countries whose economic policies have long sought diversification from dependence on commodities to the development of service and technology based industries.

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The conflicts of the past decade in Central America have produced substantial refugee movements into neighboring nations. Costa Rica has had to cope with an influx of refugees and migrants as large as 10 percent of its population. This work presents a case study of the situation in Costa Rica, focusing on the issue of refugee integration into the host society. It draws on qualitative field research conducted in that country during 1986. The study discusses the evolution of the Costa Rican state's response to the refugee crisis and analyzes the characteristics and impact of policies undertaken by various state bureaucracies. It also describes the assistance efforts of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and private voluntary organizations, along with their interaction with the Costa Rican state. The study concludes that the government's need to maintain firm control of refugee programs has overshadowed its commitment to refugee integration. In so doing, the humanitarian purpose of refugee assistance has been compromised.