971 resultados para Bureaucracy, institutions, redistributive politics, electoral competition


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Combined report on the institutions under the control of the Iowa Department of Human Services for the five years ended June 30, 2011

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RESUME DE LA THESE Le but de cette thèse est d'analyser la réforme générale de l'Etat au Cameroun et au Gabon par les institutions de Bretton Woods sur une période de vingt ans (1987-2007). Pour ce faire, mon travail consiste à étudier le rôle majeur joué par les différentes mesures économiques impulsées dans les pays par le Fonds Monétaire International (FMI) et la Banque Mondiale. Il s'agit de voir si les différentes réformes d'ajustement que ces institutions ont imposé au Cameroun et au Gabon ont produit des effets positifs en vue de solution la crise économique qui s'y installait durablement et remettre ces Etats sur le sentier de la croissance et du développement. L'avènement de la crise économique qui sévissait dans les pays au milieu des années 1980 montrait que le modèle développementaliste expérimenté par ces Etats n'avait expérimenté contribué qu'à provoquer la paralysie de l'appareil de production. Les causes profondes résidaient dans l'omniprésence de l'Etat qui privilégiait une logique administrative au dépend de celle de production au point de nuire gravement aux politiques interventionnistes étatiques. A cela, s'ajoutaient d'autres facteurs endogènes et exogènes aux Etats comme la mauvaise gestion couplée à la forte corruption et au clientélisme politique, la contrebande et le dumping, l'effritement du secteur agricole dû au vieillissement des plantations et à la sous-mécanisation, l'explosion démographique, la détérioration des termes de l'échange, le chômage endémique et galopant, etc. En ayant recours aux réformes d'ajustement structurel du FMI et de la Banque Mondiale, les gouvernements camerounais et gabonais entendaient lutter contre les rigidités institutionnelles et les distorsions structurelles qui empêchaient leurs économies de répondre aux signaux du marché et d'accroître l'offre d'une part. Et, d'autre part, les réformes d'ajustement devaient permettre de renforcer la concurrence des produits sur les marchés, accroître les capacités d'adaptation des marchés de facteurs et améliorer l'efficacité et l'efficience du secteur public. Mais avant d'analyser les réformes d'ajustement dans les pays j'ai d'abord présenté dans une première partie, l'évolution sociopolitique et économique des deux pays. Cette partie donne à l'analyse une profondeur historique indispensable et rend compte de l'évolution des politiques sectorielles des Etats marquée par une phase de croissance (1960-1984), puis par une phase de décroissance ou de crise qui commence à partir de 1985. La seconde partie met en évidence les politiques d'ajustement structurelle principalement axées sur la régulation monétaire, financière et budgétaire, la réforme de la fonction publique, la réforme agricole, le désengagement de l'Etat du secteur productif national et les privatisations. Je termine cette seconde partie par un bilan contrasté que je dresse de l'impact de ces réformes dans les économies camerounaises et gabonaises. La troisième partie met en évidence les nouvelles orientations stratégiques des institutions de Bretton Woods en partant de l'agenda politique des réformes au Cameroun et au Gabon. Elle fait intervenir une batterie de réformes portant sur l'initiative Pays Pauvres Très Endettés (PPTE), les Documents de Stratégie pour la Réduction de la Pauvreté (DSRP), l'Evaluation Politique et Institutionnelle du Pays (EPIP) et la «Bonne Gouvernance». Cette thèse s'achève par une conclusion exhaustive mettant en évidence les insuffisances des modèles théoriques et conceptuels fondant l'ajustement structurel et la remise en cause des nouvelles stratégies de lutte contre la pauvreté impulsées par le FMI et la Banque Mondiale dans les pays d'une part. D'autre part, j'observe une faiblesse institutionnelle de l'Etat dans ces pays qui se résume à la mauvaise gouvernance ; à l'absence d'un cadre et des outils appropriés pour la gestion économique et stratégique du développement à long terme ; à l'impunité généralisée et à l'inefficacité des mesures de lutte contre la pauvreté ; à l'absence d'un Etat de droit et à l'autoritarisme des régimes en place.

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Based on the case of reforms aimed at integrating the provision of income protection and employment services for jobless people in Europe, this thesis seeks to understand the reasons which may prompt governments to engage in large-scale organisational reforms. Over the last 20 years, several European countries have indeed radically redesigned the organisational structure of their welfare state by merging or bundling existing front-line offices in charge of benefit payment and employment services together into 'one-stop' agencies. Whereas in academic and political debates, these reforms are generally presented as a necessary and rational response to the problems and inconsistencies induced by fragmentation in a context of the reorientation of welfare states towards labour market activation, this thesis shows that the agenda setting of these reforms is in fact the result of multidimensional political dynamics. More specifically, the main argument of this thesis is that these reforms are best understood not so such from the problems induced by organisational compartmentalism, whose political recognition is often controversial, but from the various goals that governments may simultaneously achieve by means of their adoption. This argument is tested by comparing agenda-setting processes of large-scale reforms of coordination in the United Kingdom (Jobcentre Plus), Germany (Hartz IV reform) and Denmark (2005 Jobcentre reform), and contrasting them with the Swiss case where the government has so far rejected any coordination initiative involving organisational redesign. This comparison brings to light the importance, for the rise of organisational reforms, of the possibility to couple them with the following three goals: first, goals related to the strengthening of activation policies; second, institutional goals seeking to redefine the balance of responsibilities between the central state and non-state actors, and finally electoral goals for governments eager to maintain political credibility. The decisive role of electoral goals in the three countries suggests that these reforms are less bound by partisan politics than by the particular pressures facing governments arrived in office after long periods in opposition.

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The propagation of an initially planar front is studied within the framework of the photosensitive Belousov-Zhabotinsky reaction modulated by a smooth spatial variation of the local front velocity in the direction perpendicular to front propagation. Under this modulation, the wave front develops several fingers corresponding to the local maxima of the modulation function. After a transient, the wave front achieves a stationary shape that does not necessarily coincide with the one externally imposed by the modulation. Theoretical predictions for the selection criteria of fingers and steady-state velocity are experimentally validated.

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[eng] In this paper we analyze how the composition of labor taxation affects unemployment in a unionized economy with capital accumulation and an unemployment benefit system. We show that if the unemployment benefit system is gross Bismarckian then the unemployment rate is reduced if wage taxes are decreased (and thus payroll taxes are increased). However, if the unemployment benefit system is net Bismarckian then the unemployment rate does not depend on how the system is financed. Besides, in a Beveridgean system the labor tax composition does not affect the unemployment rate if and only if the unemployed do not pay taxes and the employed pay a constant marginal tax rate. We also analyze when an unemployment benefit budget-balanced rule makes the economy to have a hysteresis process.

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Elections play a crucial role in post-conflict peace and democratization processes as, among other factors, they provide an answer to the question of who is to legitimately rule the country. However, because of the competitiveness arising from their central role in allocating power they can also represent windows of vulnerability where deeply rooted societal conflicts can come to the surface. This working paper focuses on two post-conflict elections (Sierra Leone 2007; Nepal 2008) which, despite perceived high risks, did not result in widespread violence or a return to armed conflict. The aim of these case studies is to identify the factors and measures that may have played an important role in contributing to this outcome. Each of the two case studies first outlines the risks associated with the elections and then analyzes the violence and conflict preventing factors. The paper shows that that the context greatly influences the type of measures that can be taken in such situations, but that there are also some similarities in the two cases studied. In particular, it appears that that the credibility of the elections, largely attributable to a good electoral administration, was an important factor in both Nepal and Sierra Leone. Furthermore, the inclusion of all key stakeholders in decisions regarding key electoral institutions helped to diffuse potential conflict. The study also shows that in both cases the international community played an important role by providing financial, logistical and technical support and by pressuring certain important actors to comply with the rules.

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Combined report on the institutions under the control of the Iowa Department of Human Services for the five years ended June 30, 2012

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Combined report on the institutions under the control of the Iowa Department of Corrections for the five years ended June 30, 2012

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To better understand the biological controls that regulate sea urchin dynamics, we studied the effects of potential inter- and intra-specific competition for food on several biological variables of the main sea urchin in the Mediterranean (Paracentrotus lividus). We carried out a caging experiment in which we manipulated sea urchin density (natural vs. high density) and herbivorous fish (Sarpa salpa) accessibility (free access vs. exclusion) in a Posidonia oceanica meadow. No evidence of competition between fish and urchins was detected. Neither density-dependent mortality nor changes in the somatic variables were found; however, we detected that intra-specific competition affected the reproductive potential of P. lividus. The gonad index of urchins at high population densities was ca. 30% lower than that of urchins at natural densities. As a spawning event had just occurred when urchins were collected, these differences probably reflect differences in reserve content, which may compromise the following reproductive period and decrease survival in the long term, as the gonads are also used as storage organs. For the time period studied, mortality rates appeared to be independent of local densities. The results indicate that a long-term negative feedback mechanism appears to take place in P. lividus in response to increased population density.

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The purpose of this paper is to study both theoretically and empirically tax competition in the enlarged EU and to provide some insights on ongoing reforms concerning business taxation. We support the idea that even if one can observe cuts in "new" members statutory business tax rates, this should not result in fiercer tax competition between the "core" and "the "periphery" since infrastructure endowments and the existence of agglomeration rents in the core of the EU may prevent (at least partially) activities to relocate to the "new" members.