946 resultados para power, politics


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Pysyäkseen kilpailukykyisenä vapautuneilla sähkömarkkinoilla on voimalaitoksen energiantuotantokustannusten oltava mahdollisimman matalia, tinkimättä kuitenkaan korkeasta käytettävyydestä. Polttoaineen energiasisällön mahdollisimman hyvä hyödyntäminen on ratkaisevan tärkeää voimalaitoksen kannattavuudelle. Polttoainekustannusten osuus on konvektiivisilla laitoksilla yleensä yli puolet koko elinjakson kustannuksista. Kun vielä päästörajat tiukkenevat koko ajan, korostuu polttoaineen korkea hyötykäyttö entisestään. Korkea energiantuotannon luotettavuus ja käytettävyys ovat myös elintärkeitä pyrittäessä kustannusten minimointiin. Tässä työssä on käyty läpi voimalaitoksen kustannuksiin vaikuttavia käsitteitä, kuten hyötysuhdetta, käytettävyyttä, polttoaineen hintoja, ylös- ja alasajoja ja tärkeimpiä häviöitä. Ajostrategiassa ja poikkeamien hallinnassa pyritään hyvään hyötysuhteeseen ja alhaisiin päästöihin joka käyttötilanteessa. Lisäksi on tarkasteltu tiettyjen suureiden, eli höyryn lämpötilan ja paineen, savukaasun hapen pitoisuuden, savukaasun loppulämpötilan, sekä lauhduttimen paineen poikkeamien vaikutusta ohjearvostaan energiantuotantokustannuksiin. Happi / hiilimonoksidi optimoinnissa on otettu huomioon myös pohjatuhkan palamattomat.

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Several possible methods of increasing the efficiency and power of hydro power plants by improving the flow passages are investigated in this stydy. The theoretical background of diffuser design and its application to the optimisation of hydraulic turbine draft tubes is presented in the first part of this study. Several draft tube modernisation projects that have been carried out recently are discussed. Also, a method of increasing the efficiency of the draft tube by injecting a high velocity jet into the boundary layer is presented. Methods of increasing the head of a hydro power plant by using an ejector or a jet pump are discussed in the second part of this work. The theoretical principles of various ejector and jet pump types are presented and four different methods of calculating them are examined in more detail. A self-made computer code is used to calculate the gain in the head for two example power plants. Suitable ejector installations for the example plants are also discussed. The efficiency of the ejector power was found to be in the range 6 - 15 % for conventional head increasers, and 30 % for the jet pump at its optimum operating point. In practice, it is impossible to install an optimised jet pump with a 30 % efficiency into the draft tube as this would considerabely reduce the efficiency of the draft tube at normal operating conditions. This demonstrates, however, the potential for improvement which lies in conventional head increaser technology. This study is based on previous publications and on published test results. No actual laboratory measurements were made for this study. Certain aspects of modelling the flow in the draft tube using computational fluid dynamics are discussed in the final part of this work. The draft tube inlet velocity field is a vital boundary condition for such a calculation. Several previously measured velocity fields that have successfully been utilised in such flow calculations are presented herein.

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In newly formed groups, informal hierarchies emerge automatically and readily. In this study, we argue that emergent group hierarchies enhance group performance (Hypothesis 1) and we assume that the more the power hierarchy within a group corresponds to the task-competence differences of the individual group members, the better the group performs (Hypothesis 2). Twelve three-person groups and 28 four-person groups were investigated while solving the Winter Survival Task. Results show that emerging power hierarchies positively impact group performance but the alignment between task-competence and power hierarchy did not affect group performance. Thus, emergent power hierarchies are beneficial for group performance and although they were on average created around individual group members' competence, this correspondence was not a prerequisite for better group performance.

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Drawing on an analysis of austerity reforms in Greece and Portugal during the sovereign debt crisis from 2009 onwards, we show how the nature of the linkages between parties and citizens shapes party strategies of fiscal retrenchment. We argue that parties which rely to a greater extent on the selective distribution of state resources to mobilize electoral support (clientelistic linkages) are more reluctant to agree to fiscal retrenchment because their own electoral survival depends on their ability to control state budgets to reward clients. In Greece, where parties relied extensively on these clientelistic linkages, austerity reforms have been characterized by recurring conflicts and disagreements between the main parties, as well as a fundamental transformation of the party system. By contrast, in Portugal, where parties relied less on clientelistic strategies, austerity reforms have been more consensual because fiscal retrenchment challenged to a lesser extent the electoral base of the mainstream parties.

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This article assesses whether changes in government choice for policy concertation with trade unions and employers are better explained by international or domestic factors. We compare patterns of corporatist governance in a strongly Europeanized policy domain (labor migration policy) and in a weakly Europeanized policy domain (welfare state reforms) over the last 20 years in Austria and Switzerland. We show that there is no systematic difference in patterns of concertation between the two policy sectors and that factors linked to party politics play a bigger role in the choice of governments for concertation. If the base of party support for policies is divided, governments are more prone to resort to corporatist concertation as a way to build compromises for potentially controversial or unpopular policies. By contrast, ideologically cohesive majority coalitions are less prone to resort to concertation because they do not need to build compromises outside their base of party support.

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Cette thèse appréhende les rapports au politique des artistes visuels yéménites dans un contexte de domination, recouvrant trois États (les deux républiques qui précédent l'unification du Yémen et la république actuelle créée en 1990, jusqu'en 2015). En étudiant la domination en acte à travers une démarche ethnographique, ce travail interroge les conditions de production et d'action des artistes en soutien ou en contestation au régime, comme au cours du moment révolutionnaire de 2011. On observe ainsi le processus de politisation des mondes de l'art au Yémen contemporain, processus compris en tant qu'acquisition d'une signification politique par la pratique artistique et par les réseaux de relations entretenus par les artistes visuels. Ces requalifications de leur travail ou de leurs actions se font dans un contexte traversé par des luttes concurrentielles pour la répartition du pouvoir, aussi bien internes et propres à leurs mondes d'activité, qu'externes et en relation à l'espace politique institutionnel. La politisation des mondes de l'art apparaît dès lors moins comme un instrument d'accès à cet espace qu'une voie pour accéder à plus de visibilité, à la reconnaissance, et à un meilleur positionnement dans les rapports agonistiques qui configurent ces mondes. -- This thesis focuses on the study of Yemeni visual artists' relation to politics in a context of domination, covering three States (the two republics that precede Yemen's unification and the current republic established in 1990, until 2015). Studying domination in action througli an ethnographic approach, this work questions artists' conditions of production and of action in support to or in contestation of the regime- as in the case of the revolutionary period of 2011. It observes the politicization of art worlds in contemporary Yemen, a process understood as the acquisition of a political significance as observed in the artistic practice and in the dynamic networks that artists maintain. The requalification and reclassification of their work and their actions that results from the politicization of art worlds, takes place in a context of competitive struggles over distribution and access to sites of power. Such conflict over power occurs within their own worlds of activity as well as outside them and in relation to the domain of institutional politics. This thesis contends that the politicization of art worlds is more of a means to access visibility and recognition than a resource to participate in the political field. Through the politicization of art, artists are able to better position themselves within the agonistic relations that exist within art worlds.

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Gender inequalities remain an issue in our society and particularly in the workplace. Several factors can explain this gender difference in top-level managerial positions such as career ambitions but also biases against women. In our chapter, we propose a model explaining why gender inequalities and particularly discrimination against women is still present in our societies despite social norms and existing legislation on gender equality. To this purpose, we review research on discrimination through two different approaches, (a) a prejudice approach through the justification-suppression model developed by Crandall and Eshleman (2003) and (b) a power approach through the social dominance theory (Pratto, Sidanius, Stallworth, & Malle, 1994; Sidanius & Pratto, 1999). In our work, we integrate these two approaches and propose a model of gender prejudice, power and discrimination. The integration of these two approaches contributes to a better understanding of how discrimination against women is formed and maintained over time.

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This master’s thesis handles an operating model for an electric equipment supplier conducted sale oriented energy audit for pumping, fan and other motor applications at power plants. The study goes through the largest factors affecting internal electricity use at a power plant, finds an energy audit –like approach for the basis of information gathering and presents the information needed for conducting the analysis. The model is tested in practice at a kraft recovery boiler of a chemical pulping mill. Targets chosen represent some of the largest electric motor applications in the boiler itself and in its fuel handling. The energy saving potential of the chosen targets is calculated by simulating the energy consumption of the alternatives for controlling the targets, and thereafter combining the information with the volume flow duration curve. Results of the research are somewhat divaricated, as all the information needed is not available in the automation system. Some of the targets could be simulated and their energy saving potential calculated quite easily. At some of the targets chosen the monitoring was not sufficient enough for this and additional measurements would have been needed to base the calculations on. In traditional energy audits, energy efficiency of pump and fan applications is not necessarily examined. This means that there are good possibilities for developing the now presented targeted energy audit procedure basis further.

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The regulation of speed limits in the US had been centralized at the federal level since 1974, until decisions were devolved to the states in 1995. However, the centralization debate has reemerged in recent years. Here, we conduct the first econometric analysis of the determinants of speed limit laws. By using economic, geographic and political variables, our results suggest that geography -which affects private mobility needs and preferences- is the main factor influencing speed limit laws. We also highlight the role played by political ideology, with Republican constituencies being associated with higher speed limits. Furthermore, we identify the presence of regional and time dependence effects. By contrast, poor road safety outcomes do not impede the enactment of high speed limits. Overall, we present the first evidence of the role played by geographical, ideological and regional characteristics, which provide us with a better understanding of the formulation of speed limit policies.

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In recent years, social scientists have increasingly recognized the interconnectedness of thought on emotions. Nowhere is the role of passions more evident than international politics, where pride, anger, guilt, fear, empathy, and other feelings are routinely on display. But in the absence of an overarching theory of emotions, how can we understand their role at the international level? Emotions in International Politics fills the need for theoretical tools in the new and rapidly growing subfield of international relations. Eminent scholars from a range of disciplines consider how emotions can be investigated from an international perspective involving collective players, drawing evidence from such emotionally fraught events as the Rwandan genocide, World War II, the 9/11 attacks, and the Iranian nuclear standoff. The path-breaking research collected in Emotions in International Politics will be a valuable theoretical guide to understanding conflict and cooperation in international relations.