Turkey's Accession to the European Union in terms of impact on the EU's security and defense policies: potential and drawbacks

This study explores the impact of Turkey's likely entry in the European Union (EU) in terms of the EU's foreign, security and defense policies. It reviews Turkish capabilities, namely its military capabilities, which could provide the EU with valuable defense assets. There are differences related to Turkey's relations with the EU, which have increasingly spilled over into the NATO, hindering the development of cooperation over crisis management operations. The article then delves in the implications of Turkey's strategic geographical location to EU policies. It reviews how far the EU and Turkey may have convergent interests in some of the neighboring regions, especially in the Middle East.

Brazil and the nuclear issues in the years of the Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva government (2003-2010)

The present article is an analysis of Brazilian nuclear diplomacy and of the international relevance of the national nuclear program adopted during the two Presidential terms of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Particular attention will be given to the Brazilian position in the agreement on nuclear non-proliferation, to the role of mediation between Iran and the nuclear powers, and finally to the national ambitions concerning the industrial and military uses of the nuclear technologies.

Trends in South American weapons purchases at the beginning of the new millennium

In recent years, with some frequency it is heard that Latin America, especially South America, is witnessing the rise of an arms race. Frequent reports in the press and strong statements made by politicians in the region have fueled this fear. At the same time, scholars have also reached to this conclusion, as pointed out by Malamud and Garcia: "The famous arms race in Latin America, led by Venezuela, is no longer just talk."

Vietnam's strategic hedging vis-à-vis China: the roles of the European Union and Russia

Against the backdrop of China's assertive policies in the South China Sea, the present study evaluates how Vietnam has sought to mitigate the increasingly unequal regional power distribution vis-à-vis China. It argues that Vietnam tends to cope with China mainly by engaging itself in hedging strategies on the basis of diversified and strong relationships with different players. Appraising the roles of Russia and the European Union (EU), the study analyzes the pay-offs of Vietnam's military hedging with Russia and its economic hedging with the EU.

The essential role of democracy in the Bush Doctrine: the invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan

Everyone knows that democracy played a role in the Bush Doctrine. What not everyone knows is that this role was essential for the doctrine to be put into operation under which the Iraq invasion was prepared and launched. We argue moreover that, even if aggressive, the Bush doctrine is compatible with the American Liberal Tradition. To demonstrate these arguments we analyze the links between democracy, security, and the US national interests as expressed in the pillars of the American foreign policy since the end of Cold War. The consequential belief of the Bush Administration on the positive effect of exporting democracy by the use of force to Afghanistan and Iraq to fight terrorism will be remarked. It will be shown, however, that in the first years of the Bush Administration, among the justifications for the military interventions in the two countries, security reasons prevailed over democratic concerns, although the latter was significantly present since the early hours after September 11. It was only when it became clear that WMDs did not exist in Iraq that the exporting of democracy as the ultimate weapon to fight terrorism grew remarkably and prevailed over security reasons to invade those rogue states. The paper uses quantitative and qualitative content analysis of the speeches of President Bush and his Secretaries of State and Defense.

Towards an uncertain future? The strengthening of Japan's autonomy in Asia-Pacific

Recently, Japan has been increasing tensions with China regarding the Pinnacle Senkaku/Diaoyu islands. Due to the Chinese military development, Japan has been working on its political and military strengthening in Asia. This essay presents two possible scenarios for Japan.

Exploring the interplay between Framing and Securitization theory: the case of the Arab Spring protests in Bahrain

This article advances the theoretical integration between securitization theory and the framing approach, resulting in a set of criteria hereby called security framing. It seeks to make a twofold contribution: to sharpen the study of the ideational elements that underlie the construction of threats, and to advance towards a greater assessment of the audience's preferences. The case study under examination is the 2011 military intervention of the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council in Bahrain. The security framing of this case will help illuminate the dynamics at play in one of the most important recent events in Gulf politics.

Rio Branco, grand strategy and naval power

This article addresses Baron of Rio Branco's grand strategy and the role played by the naval reorganization program (1904-1910) in this context. The ensuing case study determined the domestic and international constraints that affected the program, as well as the worldview of the patron of Brazilian diplomacy regarding military power's instrumentality to foreign policy.

Japan and India: soft balancing as a reaction to China's rise?

What are Indian and Japanese reactions to China's rise in economic, political and military terms? According to realist tradition, their option would be between balancing and bandwagoning. Applying Stephen Walt's balance of threats approach, this work aims to analyze Indian and Japan responses to an increasingly powerful China; its conclusions point to an evolving relationship between India and Japan, in military terms, especially after 2005.

Interests and Values in Obama's foreign Policy: Leading from Behind?

Abstract This study will exam the relative importance of values and interests in Obama's foreign policy, focusing on crucial cases: the military actions related to Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Non-Syria, Al-Qaeda and ISIL. We will argue that his "leading from behind" strategy is not very distant from the foreign and defense strategies of his post-Cold War predecessors, by which democracy is seen as an assurance to security. According to Obama's strategy, Americans will only provide support for the building of democracy in the target countries, while this task should be performed by the locals themselves. Americans will provide military training to the new governments as well so they can be responsible for their own security, including preventing regrouping of terrorists in their soil. If Obama opposes the imposing of democracy by the use of force, empirical data shows that his administration is "not prepared to accept" any option that threats US security or American liberal-democratic values, bringing in this way values and interests very close to each other.

Maior Sinagoga da Península Ibérica: onde pára a polícia?

A História da Sinagoga Kadoorie está ligada a Artur Carlos de Barros Basto (1887-1961), Militar português que, descobrindo a sua origem judaica, se converteu ao judaísmo, passando a chamar-se Abraham Israel Ben-Rosh. Foi condecorado por ser um soldado valente na frente de batalha, na 1ª Guerra Mundial na Flandres. Já no Porto, ajuda centenas de judeus escapados ao holocausto a começar uma nova vida. Tal como o valente Cônsul Aristides de Sousa Mendes, foi perseguido por Salazar, tendo sido mesmo afastado do exército. Somente foi reabilitado, já morto, em 2012. § The History of Kadoorie Synagogue is linked to Artur Carlos de Barros Basto (1887-1961), Military Portuguese who discovered his Jewish origin, converted to Judaism, going to be called Abraham Israel Ben-Rosh. It was awarded for being a brave soldier at the front, in the 1st World War in Flanders. Already in Oporto, helps hundreds of Jews escaped the Holocaust to start a new life. As the valiant consul Aristides de Sousa Mendes, he was pursued by Salazar and was even removed from the army. It was only rehabilitated, dead in 2012.

Cuidado com bicos-de-pé em face da Constituição

Nas palavras de Canotilho/Moreira, o regime político português é um Estado-de-partidos, os quais foram elevados à Constituição formal. São expressão da vontade popular (10º/2). São um direito fundamental constitucional. Participar ou fundar um partido é um direito, liberdade e garantia (art. 51º). Participam nos órgãos com base no sufrágio universal e directo. Mas são mediadores pois o poder político é do Povo (art. 108º)! São os partidos que formam a vontade de órgãos como o Governo! Os partidos têm direito a apresentar candidatos aos órgãos; e têm o direito de obter mandatos de acordo com os resultados eleitorais e o método proporcional (art. 113º/5 e 152º/1)… E às Forças Armadas incumbe a defesa militar da República: art. 275º/1 CRP… § In the words of Canotilho / Moreira, the Portuguese political system is a state-parties, which were elevated to the formal Constitution. They are an expression of popular will (10/2). Is a constitutional fundamental right. Participate or found a party is a right, freedom and guarantee (art. 51). Participate in organs based on direct and universal suffrage. But are mediators because political power is the people (art. 108)! Are the parties that form the will of organs such as the Government! The parties are entitled to nominate candidates to the organs; and have the right to obtain mandates in accordance with the election results and the proportional method (Article 113/5 and 152/1.) ... and the Armed Forces have the responsibility for the military defense of the Republic: art. 275/1 CRP ...

Observations on the Brazilian presidency, democracy, and governance

This article presents the first results of research on the organization and administration of the Brazilian presidency and problems of democratic governance in Brazil. Biases of Euro-centrism in current views of presidentialism, democracy, governance, and representation are criticized and new comparative analysis of political experiences in the Americas called for. Initial analysis of the Brazilian presidency reveals a unique combination of executive-led electoral representation and muddling through governance since the transition from military rule.

As ideias pedagógicas no desenvolvimento da educação na paraíba (1964-1985): um estudo sobre a influência da pedagogia católica

As ideias pedagógicas no desenvolvimento da educação na Paraíba (1964-1985): um estudo sobre a influência da pedagogia católica

Pressupostos e significado do golpe de estado de 1998-1999 na Guiné-Bissau

RESUMO: O golpe de Estado de 1998-1999 na Guiné-Bissau é - entre outras razões - o resultado da difícil articulação e coabitação entre as principais racionalidades que afectam o xadrez sociopolítico guineense. De facto as racionalidades de tipo «weberianas», representadas maioritariamente pela população crioula, devido ao impacto da cultura colonial – o mimetismo cultural e político-económico nessa população -, não se adaptaram às racionalidades de tipo «tradicional» e estas por sua vez, não compreendem as primeiras. As práticas dos actores políticos das racionalidades de tipo «weberianas», dentro do aparelho de Estado confundiam-se com o próprio processo de construção e o funcionamento do Estado pós-colonial na Guiné De facto o Estado em referência tornou-se durante o segundo regime do PAIGC num simples instrumento político e económico a favor dos dirigentes daquele partido e da classe-Estado em geral em detrimento da população guineense sobretudo a da sociedade tradicional. E é também dentro desta lógica da difícil articulação e a coabitação de racionalidades entre actores guineenses que a suspensão do ex-Brigadeiro Ansumane Mané, das suas funções de chefe de Estado-maior das forças armadas guineenses deve ser analisada, explicada e entendida com a consequente ruptura político-militar. Certamente que a Guiné, como laboratório social, não se esgota neste trabalho, que apenas pretende abrir caminho para novas investigações. ABSTRACT: This study is focused on the analysis of the 1998-1999 «coup d’état» in Guiné as a denouncer of the difficulties in the construction of Guiné as a State and a Nation. The above mentioned coup d’état is, among other reasons, the result of the difficult articulation and cohabition among the main rationalities affecting the Guiné sociopolitical chess. The as-webeian rationalities, mainly represented by the creole population, on reproducing the colonial cultural, political and economic model, did not fit in the astraditional rationalities, which by their turn do not understand the former ones. The as-weberian practices of the main political agents within the state burocracy overlapped with the process of construction and the functioning of the post colonial state apparatus. During the second PAIGC regime the state becomes a mere political and economic instrument to favour the party leaders and the new emerging class of public workers, in detriment of the population, mainly the ones belonging to the traditional societies. It is against this sociopolitical background that the suspension of the ex-Brigadier Ansumane Mané from his functions as Chief Commander of the Armed Forces of Guiné, and the following military and political rupture, has to be analysed, explained and understood. Certainly, the study of Guiné as a social laboratory is not finished with the present research, which intended only to open the path to further researching.