959 resultados para first person pronouns


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The goal of the study is to build an image of deafness and of the lives of the deaf from their own per-spectives. The lives of deaf sign language users are analysed through the concept of identity. The start-ing point for the study is the idea that identities are moulded and structured in action and interaction and are, therefore, continuous processes. The terminology and ideas used in the present study are mostly based on Erving Goffman s (1971, 1986) work in which he sees identity as a representation of self. Via our language and our actions we build and present an image of ourselves to others and to ourselves alike. The research aims at answering the following questions concerning the lives of deaf sign language users: how do deaf people build an image of themselves as deaf people, what kind of meanings does deafness acquire in their lives, and what opportunities do they have to be perceived by others as they feel they are, i.e. to present their true self . In order to answer these questions, the narratives provided by eighteen deaf young adults, aged 25 35, in narrative interviews carried out in sign language, have been analysed. The methodology used is that of a data-based, qualitative analysis and narrative analy-sis. The study follows the lines of prior qualitative research carried out in the field of sociology of health and in the study of everyday life. The subjects are divided into three groups according to the linguistic environment dominant in the family: 1) a deaf child in a deaf family, 2) a deaf child in a hearing family using sign language, and 3) a deaf child in a hearing family where sign language was not used. The childhood family has great significance in the way a child constructs his or her identity as a deaf person. The process of construct-ing an identity in the first group can be defined as being automatic or inherited, in the second group the process can be described as being a collective/joint identity-building process, whereas in the third group the process is ambivalent and delayed. The opportunities the deaf have in building their identi-ties as deaf people have been examined through the concept of a collective story reservoir. Research shows that the deaf have, at least partly, a different collective story reservoir that they can rely on from the one the hearing have. Interaction with other deaf people and access to the collective story reservoir is important, because it enables the deaf to form an idea of their own deafness and the life of a deaf person. Three different ways of understanding deafness can be conceptualized from the narratives of the inter-viewed deaf people. In the outdated counter-narrative and the reductive narrative of deafness as an abnormality, the subjects are not capable of seeing themselves as forming part of the narratives or identifying themselves with the ways the deaf are depicted. Yet, the characterizations prevalent in them are the ones that the deaf constantly come across in their day-to-day lives. The narrative through which the subjects depict themselves and their lives can be defined as a pluralistic narrative. The plu-ralistic narrative consists of three elements: the coexistence of the world of the deaf and that of the hearing, the orientation to sign language, and the replacement of local networks with global networks. Although modern Finnish society and its varied social services and subsidy systems enable the realiza-tion of the kind of life described in the pluralistic narrative, the issues of power and inequality still frequently emerge in the narratives in which the deaf young adults described themselves and their lives. Two kinds of power mechanisms can be perceived in the descriptions: belittling and excluding power. These considerably diminish the opportunities of sign language users to create the kind of life that would reflect their personalities while limiting the chances for presenting the self to others.

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The ageing of the labour force and falling employment rates have forced policy makers in industrialized countries to find means of increasing the well-being of older workers and of lengthening their work careers. The main objective of this thesis was to study longitudinally how health, functional capacity, subjective well-being, and lifestyle change as people grow older, and what effect retirement has on these factors and on their relationships. The present study is a follow-up questionnaire study of Finnish municipal workers, conducted in 1981 to 1997 at the Finnish Institute of Occupational Health. In 1981, a postal questionnaire was sent to 7344 municipal workers in different parts of Finland. The respondents were born between 1923 and 1937. A total of 6257 persons responded to the first questionnaire. In the end, a total of 3817 persons had responded to all four (1981, 1985, 1992, 1997) questionnaires. (The response rate was 69% of the living participants). Cross-tabulations, comparison of means, logistic regression analyses and general linear models with repeated measures were used to derive the results. The transition from work life to retirement, and the following years as a pensioner were associated with many changes. Involvement in various activities increased during the transition stage but later decreased to the previous level. Physical exercise was an exception: it became increasingly popular over the years. Perceived health improved markedly from the working stage to the retirement transition stage, even though morbidity increased steadily during the follow-up. On the other hand, functional capacity decreased over the follow-up, especially among those who were occupationally active until the retirement stage. Subjective well-being remained stable during the follow-up period. There were, however, great differences based on the type of work, favouring those whose work had been mental in nature. The impact of activity level on maintaining well-being became greater during the follow-up, whereas the effect of physical functioning diminished. Good physical functioning and an active life-style contributed to staying on at work until normal retirement age. Also work-related factors, i.e. possibilities for development and influence at work, responsibility for others, meaningful work, and satisfaction with working time arrangements were positively related to continuing working. The transition from work to retirement had a positive impact on a person s health and functional capacity. The study results support the view that it should be possible to ease one s work pace during the last years of a work career. This might lower the threshold between work and retirement and convince people that there will still be time to enjoy retirement also a few years later.

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The aim of this licentiate thesis is to analyse how femininity is constructed in twelve portrait interviews of women in the dailies Dagens Nyheter (Stockholm) and Hufvudstadsbladet (Helsinki) in September 1996, and to explore the portrait interview as a media genre. The qualitative analysis has a feminist and constructionist perspective and is connected to critical text analysis. It was carried out on two levels: first, femininity is identified on the linguistic level by choice of words, and second on the level of content (topical motifs/themes). The portrait interview as a genre constitutes a third dimension in the analysis: The aim is not towards the identification of femininity, but rather towards the identification of the portrait interview a relatively unexplored media genre. References (Swedish: omtal) to the principal character (or protagonist) are traced mainly through reference chains which consist of names, pronouns and substantive phrases. The interviewees were referred to by their full names in Dagens Nyheter (with the exception of the oldest and youngest interviewees, both of whom were mainly referred to by their first names), while the style of reference varied more in Hufvudstadsbladet. The position of the principal character was also analysed through her relation in the text to minor characters from her working life and from her private life. These minor characters maintained their subordinate positions in all of the portraits except that of the youngest principal character, in which the subsidiary voices became at least as strong as the voice of the principal character. Three frequently-recurring topical motifs occurred in the portraits: The first involved explanations for the principal character s success divided into three categories, agent, affect and ambition, the second concerned using journeys or trips as symbols for turning points in life, and the third referred to the ambiguity in the contradiction between private (family/other private life) and public (work) life. This ambiguity is connected to the portrait interview as a text type (genre) which features conclusions at the end of portraits, which in turn is characteristic of reportage. However, the analysis showed that the conclusions of the portrait interviews often also included elements of ambiguity. This was evident in the contradictions be14 tween private and public life that arose in the portrait interviews that focused on these two spheres. The portraits that focused on the principal character s public life showed ambiguity on a more general level concerning questions about being a woman and having a profession, and they often ended with a description of some details of her private life. The women in the portraits were all constructed as being successful, in terms of having achieved direct success, reflective success or success in the form of life wisdom. The women of direct success were described as ambitious individuals with no sidetracks on their life paths, while those of reflective success were described as active heroines who had received help from different agents, who could use their affects as enriching ingredients in life, but who in the end had control over their own lives (life stories). The elderly women were constructed as having achieved life wisdom and their portraits were focused upon the past. The portrait interview as a genre is characterised by journalistic freedom (in relation to the more strict news genre), by a now room (Swedish nurum ) where the journalist meets the principal character (usually via spoken dialogue that she or he transforms into written text to be read by a mass-media audience) and by the relatively closed structure of the portrait. The portrait is relatively independent in relation to the news genre and in relation to the context of what has previously been written, what is being written at the time and what will be written in the future the principal character does not need to belong to the newspaper s usual gallery of actors. Furthermore, the principal character is constructed as being independent in relation to the subsidiary characters and other media actors. The conflict is within the principal character herself and within her life story, unlike the news genre in which equal actors are in conflict with each other. The portrait is also independent in relation to the news lifespan; the publishing timetable is not as strict as in the news genre, but is still dependent on the factors initiating the portrait. The enclosures consist of a raw analysis of two of twelve portrait interviews and of copies of all portraits.

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The evacuation of Finnish children to Sweden during WW II has often been called a small migration . Historical research on this subject is scarce, considering the great number of children involved. The present research has applied, apart from the traditional archive research, the framework of history-culture developed by Rüsen in order to have an all-inclusive approach to the impact of this historical event. The framework has three dimensions: political, aesthetic and cognitive. The collective memory of war children has also been discussed. The research looks for political factors involved in the evacuations during the Winter War and the Continuation War and the post-war period. The approach is wider than a purely humanitarian one. Political factors have had an impact in both Finland and Sweden, beginning from the decision-making process and ending with the discussion of the unexpected consequences of the evacuations in the Finnish Parliament in 1950. The Winter War (30.11.1939 13.3.1940) witnessed the first child transports. These were also the model for future decision making. The transports were begun on the initiative of Swedes Maja Sandler, the wife of the resigned minister of foreign affairs Rickard Sandler, and Hanna Rydh-Munck af Rosenschöld , but this activity was soon accepted by the Swedish government because the humanitarian help in the form of child transports lightened the political burden of Prime Minister Hansson, who was not willing to help Finland militarily. It was help that Finland never asked for and it was rejected at the beginning. The negative response of Minister Juho Koivisto was not taken very seriously. The political forces in Finland supporting child transports were stronger than those rejecting them. The major politicians in support belonged to Finland´s Swedish minority. In addition, close to 1 000 Finnish children remained in Sweden after the Winter War. No analysis was made of the reasons why these children did not return home. A committee set up to help Finland and Norway was established in Sweden in 1941. Its chairman was Torsten Nothin, an influential Swedish politician. In December 1941 he appealed to the Swedish government to provide help to Finnish children under the authority of The International Red Cross. This plea had no results. The delivery of great amounts of food to Finland, which was now at war with Great Britain, had automatically caused reactions among the allies against the Swedish imports through Gothenburg. This included the import of oil, which was essential for the Swedish navy and air force. Oil was later used successfully to force a reduction in commerce between Sweden and Finland. The contradiction between Sweden´s essential political interests and humanitarian help was solved in a way that did not harm the country´s vital political interests. Instead of delivering help to Finland, Finnish children were transported to Sweden through the organisations that had already been created. At the beginning of the Continuation War (25.6.1941 27.4.1945) negative opinion regarding child transports re-emerged in Finland. Karl-August Fagerholm implemented the transports in September 1941. In 1942, members of the conservative parties in the Finnish Parliament expressed their fear of losing the children to the Swedes. They suggested that Finland should withdraw from the inter-Nordic agreement, according to which the adoptions were approved by the court of the country where the child resided. This initiative failed. Paavo Virkkunen, an influential member of the conservative party Kokoomus in Finland, favoured the so-called good-father system, where help was delivered to Finland in the form of money and goods. Virkkunen was concerned about the consequences of a long stay in a Swedish family. The risk of losing the children was clear. The extreme conservative party (IKL, the Patriotic Movement of the Finnish People) wanted to alienate Finland from Sweden and bring Finland closer to Germany. Von Blücher, the German ambassador to Finland, had in his report to Berlin, mentioned the political consequences of the child transports. Among other things, they would bring Finland and Sweden closer to each other. He had also paid attention to the Nordic political orientation in Finland. He did not question or criticize the child transports. His main interest was to increase German political influence in Finland, and the Nordic political orientation was an obstacle. Fagerholm was politically ill-favoured by the Germans, because he had a strong Nordic political disposition and had criticised Germany´s activities in Norway. The criticism of child transports was at the same time criticism of Fagerholm. The official censorship organ of the Finnish government (VTL) denied the criticism of child transports in January 1942. The reasons were political. Statements made by members of the Finnish Parliament were also censored, because it was thought that they would offend the Swedes. In addition, the censorship organ used child transports as a means of active propaganda aimed at improving the relations between the two countries. The Finnish Parliament was informed in 1948 that about 15 000 Finnish children still remained in Sweden. These children would stay there permanently. In 1950 the members of the Agrarian Party in Finland stated that Finland should actively strive to get the children back. The party on the left (SKDL, the Democratic Movement of Finnish People) also focused on the unexpected consequences of the child transports. The Social Democrats, and largely Fagerholm, had been the main force in Finland behind the child transports. Members of the SKDL, controlled by Finland´s Communist Party, stated that the war time authorities were responsible for this war loss. Many of the Finnish parents could not get their children back despite repeated requests. The discussion of the problem became political, for example von Born, a member of the Swedish minority party RKP, related this problem to foreign policy by stating that the request to repatriate the Finnish children would have negative political consequences for the relations between Finland and Sweden. He emphasized expressing feelings of gratitude to the Swedes. After the war a new foreign policy was established by Prime Minister (1944 1946) and later President (1946 1956) Juho Kusti Paasikivi. The main cornerstone of this policy was to establish good relations with the Soviet Union. The other, often forgotten, cornerstone was to simultaneously establish good relations with other Nordic countries, especially Sweden, as a counterbalance. The unexpected results of the child evacuation, a Swedish initiative, had violated the good relations with Sweden. The motives of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People were much the same as those of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People. Only the ideology was different. The Nordic political orientation was an obstacle to both parties. The position of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People was much better than that of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People, because now one could clearly see the unexpected results, which included human tragedy for the many families who could not be re-united with their children despite their repeated requests. The Swedes questioned the figure given to the Finnish Parliament regarding the number of children permanently remaining in Sweden. This research agrees with the Swedes. In a calculation based on Swedish population registers, the number of these children is about 7 100. The reliability of this figure is increased by the fact that the child allowance programme began in Sweden in 1948. The prerequisite to have this allowance was that the child be in the Swedish population register. It was not necessary for the child to have Swedish nationality. The Finnish Parliament had false information about the number of Finnish children who remained in Sweden in 1942 and in 1950. There was no parliamentary control in Finland regarding child transports, because the decision was made by one cabinet member and speeches by MPs in the Finnish Parliament were censored, like all criticism regarding child transports to Sweden. In Great Britain parliamentary control worked better throughout the whole war, because the speeches regarding evacuation were not censored. At the beginning of the war certain members of the British Labour Party and the Welsh Nationalists were particularly outspoken about the scheme. Fagerholm does not discuss to any great extent the child transports in his memoirs. He does not evaluate the process and results as a whole. This research provides some possibilities for an evaluation of this sort. The Swedish medical reports give a clear picture of the physical condition of the Finnish children when arriving in Sweden. The transports actually revealed how bad the situation of the poorest children was. According to Titmuss, similar observations were made in Great Britain during the British evacuations. The child transports saved the lives of approximately 2 900 children. Most of these children were removed to Sweden to receive treatment for illnesses, but many among the healthy children were undernourished and some suffered from the effects of tuberculosis. The medical inspection in Finland was not thorough. If you compare the figure of 2 900 children saved and returned with the figure of about 7 100 children who remained permanently in Sweden, you may draw the conclusion that Finland as a country failed to benefit from the child transports, and that the whole operation was a political mistake with far-reaching consequenses. The basic goal of the operation was to save lives and have all the children return to Finland after the war. The difficulties with the repatriation of the children were mainly psychological. The level of child psychology in Finland at that time was low. One may question the report by Professor Martti Kaila regarding the adaptation of children to their families back in Finland. Anna Freud´s warnings concerning the difficulties that arise when child evacuees return are also valid in Finland. Freud viewed the emotional life of children in a way different from Kaila: the physical survival of a small child forces her to create strong emotional ties to the person who is looking after her. This, a characteristic of all small children, occurred with the Finnish children too, and it was something the political decision makers in Finland could not see during and after the war. It is a characteristic of all little children. Yet, such experiences were already evident during the Winter War. The best possible solution had been to limit the child transports only to children in need of medical treatment. Children from large and poor families had been helped by organising meals and by buying food from Denmark with Swedish money. Assisting Finland by all possible means should have been the basic goal of Fagerholm in September 1941, when the offer of child transports came from Sweden. Fagerholm felt gratitude towards the Swedes. The risks became clear to him only in 1943. The war children are today a rather scattered and diffuse group of people. Emotionally, part of these children remained in Sweden after the war. There is no clear collective memory, only individual memories; the collective memory of the war children has partly been shaped later through the activities of the war child associations. The main difference between the children evacuated in Finland (for example from Karelia to safer areas with their families) and the war children, who were sent abroad, is that the war children lack a shared story and experience with their families. They were outsiders . The whole matter is sensitive to many of such mothers and discussing the subject has often been avoided in families. The war-time censorship has continued in families through silence and avoidance and Finnish politicians and Finnish families had to face each other on this issue after the war. The lack of all-inclusive historical research has also prevented the formation of a collective awareness among war children returned to Finland or those remaining permanently abroad.. Knowledge of historical facts will help war-children by providing an opportunity to create an all-inclusive approach to the past. Personal experiences should be regarded as part of a large historical entity shadowed by war and where many political factors were at work in both Finland and Sweden. This means strengthening of the cognitive dimension discussed in Rüsen´s all-inclusive historical approach.

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The analysis uses data from an integrated luminosity of approximately 172 pb-1 of ppbar collisions at sqrt(s)=1.96 TeV, collected with the CDF II detector at the Fermilab Tevatron. The Lambda_b and B0 relative branching fractions are measured to be: B(Lambda_b to Lambda_c+ mu nu)/B(Lambda_b to Lambda_c+ pi) = 16.6 +- 3.0 (stat) +- 1.0 (syst) +2.6 -3.4 (PDG) +- 0.3 (EBR), B(B0 to D+ mu nu)/B(B0 to D+ pi) = 9.9 +- 1.0 (stat) +- 0.6 (syst) +- 0.4 (PDG) +- 0.5 (EBR), B(B0 to D*+ mu nu)/B(B0 to D*+ pi) = 16.5 +- 2.3 (stat) +- 0.6 (syst) +- 0.5 (PDG) +- 0.8 (EBR) This article also presents measurements of the branching fractions of four new Lambda_b semileptonic decays: Lambda_b to Lambda_c(2595)+ mu nu, Lambda_b to Lambda_c(2625)+ mu nu, Lambda_b to Sigma_c(2455)0 pi mu nu, Lambda_b to Sigma_c(2455)++ pi mu nu, relative to the branching fraction of the Lambda_b to Lambda_c mu nu decay. Finally, the transverse-momentum distribution of Lambda_b baryons produced in p-pbar collisions is measured and found to be significantly different from that of B0 mesons.

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A combined mass and particle identification fit is used to make the first observation of the decay Bs --> Ds K and measure the branching fraction of Bs --> Ds K relative to Bs --> Ds pi. This analysis uses 1.2 fb^-1 integrated luminosity of pbar-p collisions at sqrt(s) = 1.96 TeV collected with the CDF II detector at the Fermilab Tevatron collider. We observe a Bs --> Ds K signal with a statistical significance of 8.1 sigma and measure Br(Bs --> Ds K)/Br(Bs --> Ds pi) = 0.097 +- 0.018(stat) +- 0.009(sys).

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The cross section for jets from b quarks produced with a W boson has been measured in ppbar collision data from 1.9/fb of integrated luminosity recorded by the CDF II detector at the Tevatron. The W+b-jets process poses a significant background in measurements of top quark production and prominent searches for the Higgs boson. We measure a b-jet cross section of 2.74 +- 0.27(stat.) +- 0.42(syst.) pb in association with a single flavor of leptonic W boson decay over a limited kinematic phase space. This measured result cannot be accommodated in several available theoretical predictions.

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This article presents the first measurement of the ratio of branching fractions B(Λb0→Λc+μ-ν̅ μ)/B(Λb0→Λc+π-). Measurements in two control samples using the same technique B(B̅ 0→D+μ-ν̅ μ)/B(B̅ 0→D+π-) and B(B̅ 0→D*(2010)+μ-ν̅ μ)/B(B̅ 0→D*(2010)+π-) are also reported. The analysis uses data from an integrated luminosity of approximately 172  pb-1 of pp̅ collisions at √s=1.96  TeV, collected with the CDF II detector at the Fermilab Tevatron. The relative branching fractions are measured to be B(Λb0→Λc+μ-ν̅ μ)/B(Λb0→Λc+π-)=16.6±3.0(stat)±1.0(syst)+2.6/-3.4(PDG)±0.3(EBR), B(B̅ 0→D+μ-ν̅ μ)/B(B̅ 0→D+π-)= 9.9±1.0(stat)±0.6(syst)±0.4(PDG)±0.5(EBR), and B(B̅ 0→D*(2010)+μ-ν̅ μ)/B(B̅ 0→D*(2010)+π-)=16.5±2.3(stat)± 0.6(syst)±0.5(PDG)±0.8(EBR). The uncertainties are from statistics (stat), internal systematics (syst), world averages of measurements published by the Particle Data Group or subsidiary measurements in this analysis (PDG), and unmeasured branching fractions estimated from theory (EBR), respectively. This article also presents measurements of the branching fractions of four new Λb0 semileptonic decays: Λb0→Λc(2595)+μ-ν̅ μ, Λb0→Λc(2625)+μ-ν̅ μ, Λb0→Σc(2455)0π+μ-ν̅ μ, and Λb0→Σc(2455)++π-μ-ν̅ μ, relative to the branching fraction of the Λb0→Λc+μ-ν̅ μ decay. Finally, the transverse-momentum distribution of Λb0 baryons produced in pp̅ collisions is measured and found to be significantly different from that of B̅ 0 mesons, which results in a modification in the production cross-section ratio σΛb0/σB̅ 0 with respect to the CDF I measurement.

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A combined mass and particle identification fit is used to make the first observation of the decay B̅ s0→Ds±K∓ and measure the branching fraction of B̅ s0→Ds±K∓ relative to B̅ s0→Ds+π-. This analysis uses 1.2  fb-1 integrated luminosity of pp̅ collisions at √s=1.96  TeV collected with the CDF II detector at the Fermilab Tevatron collider. We observe a B̅ s0→Ds±K∓ signal with a statistical significance of 8.1σ and measure B(B̅ s0→Ds±K∓)/B(B̅ s0→Ds+π-)=0.097±0.018(stat)±0.009(syst).

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Abstract (Creating a whole from fragments. On the translation of cohesive elements in Sjón's Steelnight): In this paper, I discuss the Swedish translation of the Icelandic writer Sjón’s debut novel Steelnight: a story (in Swedish Stålnatt – en berättelse). Steelnight is a fragmented novel which is located at the border between poetry and prose. At the beginning of the story, the writer introduces two main plots (with subplots). At first glance, it may seem as though the plots do not share much in common. However, a closer analysis of the text reveals that there are striking parallels between the plots which are created partly by the writer’s use of cohesive elements. Thus, despite the fragmented style, the writer creates cohesion in the text by using stylistic means such as repetition of certain nouns and adjectives and by a frequent use of personal and demonstrative pronouns. This use of cohesive elements creates a challenge for the translator.

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We present a measurement of the $\ttbar$ differential cross section with respect to the $\ttbar$ invariant mass, dSigma/dMttbar, in $\ppbar$ collisions at $\sqrt{s}=1.96$ TeV using an integrated luminosity of $2.7\invfb$ collected by the CDF II experiment. The $\ttbar$ invariant mass spectrum is sensitive to a variety of exotic particles decaying into $\ttbar$ pairs. The result is consistent with the standard model expectation, as modeled by \texttt{PYTHIA} with \texttt{CTEQ5L} parton distribution functions.

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We present a measurement of the mass of the top quark using data corresponding to an integrated luminosity of 1.9fb^-1 of ppbar collisions collected at sqrt{s}=1.96 TeV with the CDF II detector at Fermilab's Tevatron. This is the first measurement of the top quark mass using top-antitop pair candidate events in the lepton + jets and dilepton decay channels simultaneously. We reconstruct two observables in each channel and use a non-parametric kernel density estimation technique to derive two-dimensional probability density functions from simulated signal and background samples. The observables are the top quark mass and the invariant mass of two jets from the W decay in the lepton + jets channel, and the top quark mass and the scalar sum of transverse energy of the event in the dilepton channel. We perform a simultaneous fit for the top quark mass and the jet energy scale, which is constrained in situ by the hadronic W boson mass. Using 332 lepton + jets candidate events and 144 dilepton candidate events, we measure the top quark mass to be mtop=171.9 +/- 1.7 (stat. + JES) +/- 1.1 (syst.) GeV/c^2 = 171.9 +/- 2.0 GeV/c^2.

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A combined mass and particle identification fit is used to make the first observation of the decay Bs --> Ds K and measure the branching fraction of Bs --> Ds K relative to Bs --> Ds pi. This analysis uses 1.2 fb^-1 integrated luminosity of pbar-p collisions at sqrt(s) = 1.96 TeV collected with the CDF II detector at the Fermilab Tevatron collider. We observe a Bs --> Ds K signal with a statistical significance of 8.1 sigma and measure Br(Bs --> Ds K)/Br(Bs --> Ds pi) = 0.097 +- 0.018(stat) +- 0.009(sys).

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We present the first observation in hadronic collisions of the electroweak production of vector boson pairs (VV, V=W, Z) where one boson decays to a dijet final state. The data correspond to 3.5  fb-1 of integrated luminosity of pp̅ collisions at √s=1.96  TeV collected by the CDF II detector at the Fermilab Tevatron. We observe 1516±239(stat)±144(syst) diboson candidate events and measure a cross section σ(pp̅ →VV+X) of 18.0±2.8(stat)±2.4(syst)±1.1(lumi)  pb, in agreement with the expectations of the standard model.

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We present the first observation in hadronic collisions of the electroweak production of vector boson pairs (VV, V=W,Z) where one boson decays to a dijet final state . The data correspond to 3.5 inverse femtobarns of integrated luminosity of ppbar collisions at sqrt(s)=1.96 TeV collected by the CDFII detector at the Fermilab Tevatron. We observe 1516+/-239(stat)+/-144(syst) diboson candidate events and measure a cross section sigma(ppbar->VV+X) of 18.0+/-2.8(stat)+/-2.4(syst)+/-1.1(lumi) pb, in agreement with the expectations of the standard model.