930 resultados para criminal justice procedures


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Drawing on my experience of a number of sports dispute resolution tribunals in the UK and Ireland (such as Sports Resolutions UK; Just Sport Ireland; the Football Association of Ireland’s Disciplinary Panel and the Gaelic Athletic Association’s Dispute Resolution Authority) I intend to use this paper to review the legal arguments typically made in sports-related arbitrations. These points of interest can be summarised as a series of three questions: the fairness question; the liability question; the penalty question.

In answer to the fairness question, the aim is to give a brief outline on best practice in establishing a "fair" sports disciplinary tribunal. The answer, I believe, is always twofold in nature: first, and to paraphrase Lord Steyn in R v Secretary of State For The Home Department, Ex Parte Daly [2001] UKHL 26 at [28] "in law, context is everything" – translated into the present matter, this means that in sports disciplinary cases, the more serious the charges against the individual (in terms of reputational damage, economic impact and/or length of sanction); the more tightly wrapped the procedural safeguards surrounding any subsequent disciplinary hearing must be. A fair disciplinary system will be discussed in the context of the principles laid down in Article 8 of the World Anti-Doping Code which, in effect, acts as sport’s Article 6 of the ECHR on a right to a fair trial.

Following on from the above, in the 60 or so sports arbitrations that I have heard, there are two further points of interest. First, the claim before the arbitral panel will often be framed in an argument that, for various reasons of substantive and procedural irregularity, the sanction imposed on the appellant should be quashed ("the liability"). Second, and in alternative, that the sanction imposed was wholly disproportionate ("the penalty").

The liability issue usually breaks down into two further questions. First, what is the nature of the legal duty upon a sports body in exercising its disciplinary remit? Second, to what extent does a de novo hearing on appeal cure any apparent defects in a hearing of first instance? The first issue often results in an arbitral panel debating the contra preferentum approach to the interpretation of a contested rule i.e., the sports body’s rules in question are so ambiguous that they should be interpreted in a manner to the detriment of the rule maker and in favour of the appellant. On the second matter, it now appears to be a general principle of sports law, administrative law and even human rights law that even if a violation of the principles of natural justice takes place at the first instance stage of a disciplinary process, they may be cured on de novo appeal. Authority for this approach can be found at the Court of Arbitration for Sport and in particular in CAS 2009/A/1920 FK Pobeda, Aleksandar Zabrcanec, Nikolce Zdraveski v UEFA at para 87.

The question on proportionality asks what, aside from precedent found within the decisions of the sports body in question, are the general legal principles against which a sanction by a sports disciplinary body can be benchmarked in order to ascertain whether it is disproportionate in length or even irrational in nature?

On the matter of (dis)proportionality of sanction, the debate is usually guided by the authority in Bradley v the Jockey Club [2004] EWHC 2164 (QB) and affirmed at [2005] EWCA Civ 1056. The Bradley principles on proportionality of sports-specific sanctions, recently cited with approval at the Court of Arbitration for Sport, will be examined in this presentation.

Finally, an interesting application of many of the above principles (and others such as the appropriate standard of proof in sports disciplinary procedures) can be made to recent match-fixing or corruption related hearings held by the British Horse Racing Authority, the integrity units of snooker and tennis, and at the Court of Arbitration for Sport.

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Since creation of the European Communities the number of Member States has gradually increased from the original six to current twenty-eight. Enlargement has become an EU’s flagship external policy, demonstrating the EU’s ability to shape its neighbourhood and to serve as a catalyst of deep and multilayered reforms. The consecutive seven enlargement rounds went in parallel with widespread internal developments, culminating with the creation of the European Union and, most recently, entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon. As this volume demonstrates, EU criminal law has evolved considerably from its early days under the legal framework laid down by the Treaty of Maastricht to its current post-Lisbon shape. On 1 December 2014, that is with expiry of a five year transitional regime for the jurisdiction of the Court of Justice, Police and Judicial Co-operation in Criminal Matters became a fully fledged EU policy, governed largely by the same modus operandi as other areas of EU competence and with compulsory jurisdiction of the Court of Justice. As EU criminal law developed internally, so did its external dimension, including the role it plays in the enlargement policy. In case of the latter the expiry of the same transitional period has brought to an end a rather anomalous situation whereby the European Union had more enforcement tools before and after accession vis-à-vis its future/new Member States than it could employ against the old ones. This bifurcation, quite rightly, triggered a lot of discussions about double standards used by the European Union in its pre-accession policy. This is exacerbated by the fact that some of those standards are neither defined in EU law, nor pursued vis-à-vis the existing EU’s Member States. The aim of this chapter is to demonstrate that evolution with particular emphasis on the role of EU Criminal Law in the policy currently employed by the European Union vis-à-vis candidate and potential candidate countries of the Western Balkans and to Turkey. Arguably, together with political conditionality, it has become one of the pillars of the enlargement process and, as the examples of accession negotiations with Montenegro and Serbia prove, its role is likely to increase as rapprochement of other candidates and potential candidates progresses to the next stages.

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This article discusses the use of digital evidence as a means of proof before the International Court of Justice (ICJ). The absence of specific Court rules and procedures for digital evidence (with the exception of Practice Direction IX bis) is not necessarily an obstacle to its production and evaluation before the ICJ, as the general evidentiary rules can also be applied to digital evidence. The article first looks at the rules on the production of documentary evidence and then examines the specific issues related to audiovisual evidence. Finally, it examines the admissibility of digital evidence unlawfully obtained by a litigant through unilateral transborder access to data. The article concludes that, even if specific regulation may be needed as to the specific way in which authenticity and accuracy of digital evidence are to be established, the particular facts of the case and the grounds of challenge can vary widely, and it is doubtful that any regulation could be sufficiently flexible to deal with this in advance.

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The nature of the Portuguese transition to democracy and the following state crises (1974-1975) created a ‘window of opportunity’ in which the ‘reaction to the past’ was much stronger than in the other Southern or even of Central and Eastern European transitions. In Portugal, initiatives of symbolic rupture with the past began soon after the April 25, 1974, coup d’état and transitional justice policies assumed mainly three formulas. First, the institutional reforms directed primarily to abusive state institutions such as the political police (PIDE-DGS) and political courts (Plenary courts) in order to dismantle the repressive apparatus and prevent further human rights abuses and impunity. Secondly, the criminal prosecutions addressed to perpetrators considered as being the most responsible for repression and abuses. Finally, lustration or political purges (saneamentos, the term used in Portugal to designate political purges) which were, in fact, the most common form of political justice in Portuguese transition to democracy. This paper deals with the peculiarities of transitional justice in Portugal devoting a particular attention to the judicial, a key sector to understand the way the Portuguese dealt with their authoritarian past.

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Cooperation between police forces is a topic that is increasingly relevant. The emergence of new threats, as well as looking for new ways to fight crime, require from the, careful monitoring and strict sharing of all relevant information. This Work is entitled “The GNR and cooperation between Criminal Police Bodies in the Risk Society. Case Study: District of Lisbon” and aims to study the cooperation and coordination between police forces in Lisbon district, and verify if there is an parallel between the rule of law and the police procedures. The work is organized in four chapters. The first consists in a theoretical framework to perceive the context and objectives of this work. The second addresses the role of the, the different types of cooperation and instruments that promote cooperation between them. The third presents and analyzes the results. Finally, the fourth and last chapter the conclusions are woven answered the questions derived and starting question, tested hypotheses, and those limitations and future recommendations. In conclusion, the District of Lisbon, there is cooperation, materialized in a constant exchange of information, based on personal and informal relationship between the elements of the various Police Forces.

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"Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de maîtrise en droit option Droit et Biotechnologies". Ce mémoire a été accepté à l'unanimité et classé parmi les 15% des mémoires de la discipline.

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Dans ce mémoire, nous examinons le fichage de la délinquance sexuelle dont les divers régimes juridiques reposent sur l’idée que ces contrevenants présentent un risque réel de récidive criminelle. Les données scientifiques sur la délinquance sexuelle relativisent ce risque et attestent qu’il est quasi absent dans un très grand nombre de cas. Il existe donc une dichotomie entre les prémisses du droit et les connaissances issues des sciences sociales et humaines sur cette question. Le fichage de cette délinquance au Canada donne lieu à des mécanismes administratifs provinciaux en plus d’un régime fédéral contenu au Code criminel. Nous émettons l’hypothèse que le fichage provincial emporte de véritables conséquences pénales sur les délinquants sexuels, affectent leurs droits en vertu de l’article 7 de la Charte et contrecarre des principes de justice fondamentale. Ensuite, nous examinons le régime fédéral intégré au Code criminel et nous argumentons que ce mécanisme juridique crée une mesure punitive de la nature d’une peine. Par conséquent, le fichage fédéral devrait être aménagé de façon à satisfaire aux garanties constitutionnelles propres à la peine et aux principes généraux de la détermination de la peine en vertu de la Partie XXIII du Code criminel. Nous concluons que les législateurs successifs ont créé des régimes juridiques régissant le fichage de la délinquance sexuelle en écartant les principes fondamentaux administratifs, criminels et constitutionnels qui devraient présider à l’élaboration des règles concernant ce stigmate de la criminalité. Les tribunaux, par leur interprétation, ont également déqualifié cette stigmatisation de la criminalité sexuelle à titre de peine. Le droit relatif au fichage de la délinquance sexuelle donne donc lieu à une érosion des principes fondamentaux de la justice criminelle et punitive.

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Dans Németh c. Canada (Justice) (2010), la Cour suprême vient à la conclusion qu’il est possible, pour le ministre de la Justice, d’autoriser l’extradition d’un réfugié dans la mesure où cette dernière n’est pas injuste ou tyrannique, et qu’elle ne vise pas à punir la personne pour des motifs de persécution. Le juge Cromwell précise qu’il n’est pas nécessaire de révoquer le statut de réfugié avant le processus d’extradition ; le ministre n’a qu’à démontrer que les clauses de cessation se trouvant dans la Loi sur l’immigration et la protection des réfugiés s’appliquent. Cela implique qu’il doit faire la preuve, selon la balance des probabilités, que les réfugiés n’ont plus de raison de craindre la persécution dans leur pays d’origine, en établissant qu’il y a un changement stable de circonstances. Toutefois, le processus actuel d’extradition n’assure pas pleinement les protections procédurales auxquelles ont droit les réfugiés, dans la mesure où la Loi sur l’extradition accorde un pouvoir discrétionnaire au ministre de décider, au cas par cas, qui devrait avoir droit à une audition orale pour étayer sa cause. Puisque la possibilité de persécution au retour reste une question empreinte de subjectivité et fait appel à la crédibilité, il est du devoir du ministre d’accorder une forme d'audition aux réfugiés afin d’offrir de solides garanties procédurales. Or, la Cour n’est pas allée jusqu’à prescrire un tel devoir. Dans ce mémoire, nous nous interrogeons sur l’étendue des protections procédurales qui devraient être accordées à un réfugié menacé d’extradition.

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"Les juristes partout dans le monde peuvent maintenant, de leur poste informatique personnel, accéder aux données « publiques » (la part des règles juridiques y est majeure) que les États mettent à la disposition de chacun. En plus de modifier les méthodes de travail des praticiens du droit, l’usage des technologies de l’information influera sur l’évolution du droit et de la justice. D’une part, les États ne pourront renoncer à se doter des moyens technologiques requis pour diffuser l’information et, d’autre part, l’institution judiciaire devra répondre à cette nouvelle forme d’exigence de démocratisation. Les technologies de l’information feront surgir un nouveau rapport entre le citoyen et le droit. Dans le domaine judiciaire, il faudra consentir à une réflexion en profondeur sur la manière dont les juridictions sont saisies. Le « dialogue par formulaire » est un exercice de la pensée différent de ceux que les juristes pratiquent habituellement ; dans le domaine judiciaire ou parajudiciaire, la pratique des téléprocédures est, en France, balbutiante. L’utilisation des technologies de l’information et de la communication dans les procédures assurera une meilleure efficacité (effectivité et célérité) de la réponse judiciaire et fera apparaître de nouvelles exigences, en particulier quant à la communication des décisions de justice. Le droit évoluera : la communauté des juristes devient mondiale, les droits internes sont quotidiennement à l’épreuve des autres droits, toutes sortes de comparaisons sont possibles entre les différentes juridictions, entre les législations existantes et entre les solutions théoriquement possibles pour régler tel ou tel cas. On ne peut imaginer que le législateur, que les juridictions suprêmes, que les chercheurs et les théoriciens du droit, que l’ensemble des praticiens se désintéressent des pistes ouvertes par les technologies de l’information."

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From the introduction: Mexico is in a state of siege. In recent years, organized crime and drug-related violence have escalated dramatically, taking innocent lives and leaving the country mired in bloodshed. The Mexican government, under the leadership of President Felipe Calderón, has responded in part by significantly extending the reach of its security operations, deploying thousands of federal police officers and military troops to combat the activities of drug cartels, and collaborating with the United States on an extensive regional security plan known as the Mérida Initiative. In the midst of the security crisis, however, the government has somewhat paradoxically adopted judicial reforms that protect human rights and civil liberties rather than erode them, specifically the presumption of innocence standard in criminal proceedings and the implementation of oral trials. Assuming that the new laws on the books will be applied in practice, these reforms represent an important commitment on the part of the government to uphold human rights and civil liberties. This is in stark contrast to the infamous judicial reforms in Colombia—the institutionalization of anonymous or “faceless” prosecutions in special courts—implemented after a surge in leftist and cartel brutality, and the murders of several prominent public and judicial officials in the 1980s.

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The phenomenon of paramilitarism in Colombia has received an ambiguous treatment, balancing between political and criminal issues; an oscillation that has been intimately linked to the evolution of the Colombian internal conflict. This contribution analyzes the recent negotiations held with paramilitary groups by the administration of Alvaro Uribe Vélez (2002-2010). After a brief account of the dependency path that has determined this historical episode, I propose an assessment of the use of judicial categories by the various actors of the negotiations. The main argument is that those categories –war criminal, political criminal, drug smuggler, etc.– do not depend on the intrinsic nature of an armed actor, but are socially constructed by a conflictive process of material and symbolic struggles. The capacity to categorize private violence, as legitimate or illegitimate, political or criminal, appears as one of the basic manifestations of the state’s action, as well as one of the main conflicts presiding at the rocess of state formation.

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Throughout the 1990s, tens of thousands of Australian taxpayers invested in mass-marketed tax effective schemes. They enjoyed generous tax breaks until the Australian Taxation Office (ATO) told them in 1998 that they abused the system. This study examines the circumstances surrounding taxpayers' decision to invest in scheme arrangements. It also explores investors' perceptions of the way the ATO handled the schemes issue and, perhaps more importantly, why such a large number of investors defied the ATO's demands that they pay back taxes. Data were taken from in-depth interviews conducted with 29 scheme investors. Consistent with the procedural justice literature, the findings revealed that many of the scheme investors interviewed defied the ATO's demands because the procedures the ATO used to handle the situation were perceived to be unfair. Given these findings, it will be argued that to effectively shape desired behaviour, regulators will need to move beyond enforcement strategies linked purely to deterrence. A strategy that aims to emphasise the procedural justice aspects of a regulatory encounter will be discussed.