50 Years Ago We Marched: What began on the grounds of Lincoln University, ended on the steps of the Alabama State Capitol

LINCOLN UNIVERSITY - On March 25, 1965, a bus loaded with Lincoln University students and staff arrived in Montgomery, Ala. to join the Selma march for racial and voting equality. Although the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was in force, African-Americans continued to feel the effects of segregation. The 1960s was a decade of social unrest and change. In the Deep South, specifically Alabama, racial segregation was a cultural norm resistant to change. Governor George Wallace never concealed his personal viewpoints and political stance of the white majority, declaring “Segregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever.” The march was aimed at obtaining African-Americans their constitutionally protected right to vote. However, Alabama’s deep-rooted culture of racial bias began to be challenged by a shift in American attitudes towards equality. Both black and whites wanted to end discrimination by using passive resistance, a movement utilized by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. That passive resistance was often met with violence, sometimes at the hands of law enforcement and local citizens. The Selma to Montgomery march was a result of a protest for voting equality. The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and the Southern Christian Leadership Counsel (SCLC) among other students marched along the streets to bring awareness to the voter registration campaign, which was organized to end discrimination in voting based on race. Violent acts of police officers and others were some of the everyday challenges protesters were facing. Forty-one participants from Lincoln University arrived in Montgomery to take part in the 1965 march for equality. Students from Lincoln University’s Journalism 383 class spent part of their 2015 spring semester researching the historical event. Here are their stories: Peter Kellogg “We’ve been watching the television, reading about it in the newspapers,” said Peter Kellogg during a February 2015 telephone interview. “Everyone knew the civil rights movement was going on, and it was important that we give him (Robert Newton) some assistance … and Newton said we needed to get involve and do something,” Kellogg, a lecturer in the 1960s at Lincoln University, discussed how the bus trip originated. “That’s why the bus happened,” Kellogg said. “Because of what he (Newton) did - that’s why Lincoln students went and participated.” “People were excited and the people along the sidewalk were supportive,” Kellogg said. However, the mood flipped from excited to scared and feeling intimidated. “It seems though every office building there was a guy in a blue uniform with binoculars standing in the crowd with troops and police. And if looks could kill me, we could have all been dead.” He says the hatred and intimidation was intense. Kellogg, being white, was an immediate target among many white people. He didn’t realize how dangerous the event in Alabama was until he and the others in the bus heard about the death of Viola Liuzzo. The married mother of five from Detroit was shot and killed by members of the Ku Klux Klan while shuttling activists to the Montgomery airport. “We found out about her death on the ride back,” Kellogg recalled. “Because it was a loss of life, and it shows the violence … we could have been exposed to that danger!” After returning to LU, Kellogg’s outlook on life took a dramatic turn. Kellogg noted King’s belief that a person should be willing to die for important causes. “The idea is that life is about something larger and more important than your own immediate gratification, and career success or personal achievements,” Kellogg said. “The civil rights movement … it made me, it made my life more significant because it was about something important.” The civil rights movement influenced Kellogg to change his career path and to become a black history lecturer. Until this day, he has no regrets and believes that his choices made him as a better individual. The bus ride to Alabama, he says, began with the actions of just one student. Robert Newton Robert Newton was the initiator, recruiter and leader of the Lincoln University movement to join Dr. Martin Luther King’s march in Selma. “In the 60s much of the civil rights activists came out of college,” said Newton during a recent phone interview. Many of the events that involved segregation compelled college students to fight for equality. “We had selected boycotts of merchants, when blacks were not allowed to try on clothes,” Newton said. “You could buy clothes at department stores, but no blacks could work at the department stores as sales people. If you bought clothes there you couldn’t try them on, you had to buy them first and take them home and try them on.” Newton said the students risked their lives to be a part of history and influence change. He not only recognized the historic event of his fellow Lincolnites, but also recognized other college students and historical black colleges and universities who played a vital role in history. “You had the S.N.C.C organization, in terms of voting rights and other things, including a lot of participation and working off the bureau,” Newton said. Other schools and places such as UNT, Greenville and Howard University and other historically black schools had groups that came out as leaders. Newton believes that much has changed from 50 years ago. “I think we’ve certainly come a long way from what I’ve seen from the standpoint of growing up outside of Birmingham, Alabama,” Newton said. He believes that college campuses today are more organized in their approach to social causes. “The campus appears to be some more integrated amongst students in terms of organizations and friendships.” Barbara Flint Dr. Barbara Flint grew up in the southern part of Arkansas and came to Lincoln University in 1961. She describes her experience at Lincoln as “being at Lincoln when the world was changing.“ She was an active member of Lincoln’s History Club, which focused on current events and issues and influenced her decision to join the Selma march. “The first idea was to raise some money and then we started talking about ‘why can’t we go?’ I very much wanted to be a living witness in history.” Reflecting on the march and journey to Montgomery, Flint describes it as being filled with tension. “We were very conscious of the fact that once we got on the road past Tennessee we didn’t know what was going to happen,” said Flint during a February 2015 phone interview. “Many of the students had not been beyond Missouri, so they didn’t have that sense of what happens in the South. Having lived there you knew the balance as well as what is likely to happen and what is not likely to happen. As my father use to say, ‘you have to know how to stay on that line of balance.’” Upon arriving in Alabama she remembers the feeling of excitement and relief from everyone on the bus. “We were tired and very happy to be there and we were trying to figure out where we were going to join and get into the march,” Flint said. “There were so many people coming in and then we were also trying to stay together; that was one of the things that really stuck out for me, not just for us but the people who were coming in. You didn’t want to lose sight of the people you came with.” Flint says she was keenly aware of her surroundings. For her, it was more than just marching forward. “I can still hear those helicopters now,” Flint recalled. “Every time the helicopters would come over the sound would make people jump and look up - I think that demonstrated the extent of the tenseness that was there at the time because the helicopters kept coming over every few minutes.” She said that the marchers sang “we are not afraid,” but that fear remained with every step. “Just having been there and being a witness and marching you realize that I’m one of those drops that’s going to make up this flood and with this flood things will move,” said Flint. As a student at Lincoln in 1965, Flint says the Selma experience undoubtedly changed her life. “You can’t expect to do exactly what you came to Lincoln to do,” Flint says. “That march - along with all the other marchers and the action that was taking place - directly changed the paths that I and many other people at Lincoln would take.” She says current students and new generations need to reflect on their personal role in society. “Decide what needs to be done and ask yourself ‘how can I best contribute to it?’” Flint said. She notes technology and social media can be used to reach audiences in ways unavailable to her generation in 1965. “So you don’t always have to wait for someone else to step out there and say ‘let’s march,’ you can express your vision and your views and you have the means to do so (so) others can follow you. Jaci Newsom Jaci Newsom came to Lincoln in 1965 from Atlanta. She came to Lincoln to major in sociology and being in Jefferson City was largely different from what she had grown up with. “To be able to come into a restaurant, sit down and be served a nice meal was eye-opening to me,” said Newsom during a recent interview. She eventually became accustomed to the relaxed attitude of Missouri and was shocked by the situation she encountered on an out-of-town trip. “I took a bus trip from Atlanta to Pensacola and I encountered the worse racism that I have ever seen. I was at bus stop, I went in to be served and they would not serve me. There was a policeman sitting there at the table and he told me that privately owned places could select not to serve you.” Newsom describes her experience of marching in Montgomery as being one with a purpose. “We felt as though we achieved something - we felt a sense of unity,” Newsom said. “We were very excited (because) we were going to hear from Martin Luther King. To actually be in the presence of him and the other civil rights workers there was just such enthusiasm and excitement yet there was also some apprehension of what we might encounter.” Many of the marchers showed their inspiration and determination while pressing forward towards the grounds of the Alabama Capitol building. Newsom recalled that the marchers were singing the lyrics “ain’t gonna let nobody turn me around” and “we shall overcome.” “ I started seeing people just like me,” Newsom said. “I don’t recall any of the scowling, the hitting, the things I would see on TV later. I just saw a sea of humanity marching towards the Capitol. I don’t remember what Martin Luther King said but it was always the same message: keep the faith; we’re going to get where we’re going and let us remember what our purpose is.” Newsom offers advice on what individuals can do to make their society a more productive and peaceful place. “We have come a long way and we have ways to change things that we did not have before,” Newsom said. “You need to work in positive ways to change.” Referencing the recent unrest in Ferguson, Mo., she believes that people become destructive as a way to show and vent anger. Her generation, she says, was raised to react in lawful ways – and believe in hope. “We have faith to do things in a way that was lawful and it makes me sad what people do when they feel without hope, and there is hope,” Newsom says. “Non-violence does work - we need to include everyone to make this world a better place.” Newsom graduated from Lincoln in 1969 and describes her experience at Lincoln as, “I grew up and did more growing at Lincoln than I think I did for the rest of my life.”

Suppression of HIV replication by lymphoid tissue CD8+ cells correlates with the clinical state of HIV-infected individuals

Lymphoid tissues from asymptomatic HIV-infected individuals, as compared with symptomatic HIV-infected subjects, show limited histopathological changes and lower levels of HIV expression. In this report we correlate the control of HIV replication in lymph nodes to the non-cytolytic anti-HIV activity of lymphoid tissue CD8+ cells. Five subjects at different stages of HIV-related disease were studied and the ability of their CD8+ cells, isolated from both lymphoid tissue and peripheral blood, to inhibit HIV replication was compared. CD8+ cells from lymphoid tissue and peripheral blood of two HIV-infected long-term survivors suppressed HIV replication at a low CD8+:CD4+ cell ratio of 0.1. The CD8+ cells from the lymphoid tissue of a third asymptomatic subject suppressed HIV replication at a CD8+:CD4+ cell ratio of 0.25; the subject’s peripheral blood CD8+ cells showed this antiviral response at a lower ratio of 0.05. The lymphoid tissue CD8+ cells from two AIDS patients were not able to suppress HIV replication, and the peripheral blood CD8+ cells of only one of them suppressed HIV replication. The plasma viremia, cellular HIV load as well as the extent of pathology and virus expression in the lymphoid tissue of the two long-term survivors, were reduced compared with these parameters in the three other subjects. The data suggest that the extent of anti-HIV activity by CD8+ cells from lymphoid tissue relative to peripheral blood correlates best with the clinical state measured by lymphoid tissue pathology and HIV burden in lymphoid tissues and blood. The results add further emphasis to the importance of this cellular immune response in controlling HIV pathogenesis.

NMR investigation of ferricytochrome c unfolding: Detection of an equilibrium unfolding intermediate and residual structure in the denatured state

Horse ferricytochrome c (cyt c) undergoes exchange of one of its axial heme ligands (Met-80) for one or more non-native ligands under denaturing conditions. We have used 1H NMR spectroscopy to detect two conformations of paramagnetic cyt c with non-native heme ligation through a range of urea concentrations. One non-native form is an equilibrium unfolding intermediate observed under partially denaturing conditions and is attributed to replacement of Met-80 with one or more Lys side chains. The second non-native form, in which the native Met ligand is replaced by a His, is observed under strongly denaturing conditions. Thermodynamic analysis of these data indicates a relatively small ΔG (17 kJ/mol) for the transition from native to the Lys-ligated intermediate and a significantly larger ΔG (47 kJ/mol) for the transition from native to the His-ligated species. Although CD and fluorescence data indicate that the equilibrium unfolding of cyt c is a two-state process, these NMR results implicate an intermediate with His-Lys ligation.

SfiI endonuclease activity is strongly influenced by the non-specific sequence in the middle of its recognition site

The SfiI endonuclease cleaves DNA at the sequence GGCCNNNN↓NGGCC, where N is any base and ↓ is the point of cleavage. Proteins that recognise discontinuous sequences in DNA can be affected by the unspecified sequence between the specified base pairs of the target site. To examine whether this applies to SfiI, a series of DNA duplexes were made with identical sequences apart from discrete variations in the 5 bp spacer. The rates at which SfiI cleaved each duplex were measured under steady-state conditions: the steady-state rates were determined by the DNA cleavage step in the reaction pathway. SfiI cleaved some of these substrates at faster rates than other substrates. For example, the change in spacer sequence from AACAA to AAACA caused a 70-fold increase in reaction rate. In general, the extrapolated values for kcat and Km were both higher on substrates with inflexible spacers than those with flexible structures. The dinucleotide at the site of cleavage was largely immaterial. SfiI activity is thus highly dependent on conformational variations in the spacer DNA.

Non-Arrhenius kinetics for the loop closure of a DNA hairpin

Intramolecular chain diffusion is an elementary process in the conformational fluctuations of the DNA hairpin-loop. We have studied the temperature and viscosity dependence of a model DNA hairpin-loop by FRET (fluorescence resonance energy transfer) fluctuation spectroscopy (FRETfs). Apparent thermodynamic parameters were obtained by analyzing the correlation amplitude through a two-state model and are consistent with steady-state fluorescence measurements. The kinetics of closing the loop show non-Arrhenius behavior, in agreement with theoretical prediction and other experimental measurements on peptide folding. The fluctuation rates show a fractional power dependence (β = 0.83) on the solution viscosity. A much slower intrachain diffusion coefficient in comparison to that of polypeptides was derived based on the first passage time theory of SSS [Szabo, A., Schulten, K. & Schulten, Z. (1980) J. Chem. Phys. 72, 4350–4357], suggesting that intrachain interactions, especially stacking interaction in the loop, might increase the roughness of the free energy surface of the DNA hairpin-loop.

Thermal unfolding of human high-density apolipoprotein A-1: implications for a lipid-free molten globular state.

Apolipoprotein A-1 (apoA-1) in complex with high-density lipoprotein is critically involved in the transport and metabolism of cholesterol and in the pathogenesis of atherosclerosis. We reexamined the thermal unfolding of lipid-free apoA-1 in low-salt solution at pH approximately 7, by using differential scanning calorimetry and circular dichroism. At protein concentrations <5 mg/ml, thermal unfolding of apoA-1 is resolved as an extended peak (25 degrees C-90 degrees C) that can be largely accounted for by a single reversible non-two-state transition with midpoint Tm 57 +/- 1 degree C, calorimetric enthalpy deltaH(Tm)= 200 +/- 20 kcal/mol (1 kcal = 4.18 kJ), van't Hoff enthalpy deltaHv(Tm) approximately 32.5 kcal/mol, and cooperativity deltaHv(Tm)/deltaH(Tm) approximately 0.16. The enthalpy deltaH(Tm) can be accounted for by melting of the alpha-helical structure that is inferred by CD to constitute approximately 60% of apoA-1 amino acids. Farand near-UV CD spectra reveal noncoincident melting of the secondary and tertiary structural elements and indicate a well-defined secondary structure but a largely melted tertiary structure for apoA-1 at approximately 37 degrees C and pH 7. This suggests a molten globular-like state for lipid-free apoA-1 under near-physiological conditions. Our results suggest that in vivo lipid binding by apoA-1 may be mediated via the molten globular apolipoprotein state in plasma.

Role Expectations and State Socialization: Germany's Rediscovery of the Use of Force 1990-1995

This dissertation engages the question of why German political elites accepted the use of force during the 1990s and started to commit the country's armed forces to multilateral peacekeeping missions. Previous governments of the Federal Republic had opposed foreign deployment of the military and Germany was characterized by a unique strategic culture in which the efficacy of military force was widely regarded as negative. The rediscovery of the use of force constituted a significant reorientation of German security policy with potentially profound implications for international relations. I use social role theory to explain Germany's security policy reorientation. I argue that political elites shared a national role conception of their country as a dependable and reliable ally. Role expectations of the international security environment changed as a result of a general shift to multilateral intervention as means to address emerging security problems after the Cold War. Germany's resistance to the use of force was viewed as inappropriate conduct for a power possessing the economic and military wherewithal of the Federal Republic. Elites from allied countries exerted social pressure to have Germany contribute commensurate with capabilities. German political elites adapted role behavior in response to external expectations in an effort to preserve the national role conception of a dependable and reliable ally. Security policy reorientation to maintain Germany's national role conception was pursued by conservative elites who acted as 'role entrepreneurs'. CDU/CSU politicians initiated a process of role adaptation to include the use of force for non-defensive missions. They persuaded Social Democrats and Alliance 90/Green party politicians that the maintenance of the country's role conception necessitated a reorientation in security policy to accommodate the changes in the security environment.

Generalized isotropic Lipkin-Meshkov-Glick models: ground state entanglement and quantum entropies

We introduce a new class of generalized isotropic Lipkin–Meshkov–Glick models with su(m+1) spin and long-range non-constant interactions, whose non-degenerate ground state is a Dicke state of su(m+1) type. We evaluate in closed form the reduced density matrix of a block of Lspins when the whole system is in its ground state, and study the corresponding von Neumann and Rényi entanglement entropies in the thermodynamic limit. We show that both of these entropies scale as a log L when L tends to infinity, where the coefficient a is equal to (m  −  k)/2 in the ground state phase with k vanishing magnon densities. In particular, our results show that none of these generalized Lipkin–Meshkov–Glick models are critical, since when L-->∞ their Rényi entropy R_q becomes independent of the parameter q. We have also computed the Tsallis entanglement entropy of the ground state of these generalized su(m+1) Lipkin–Meshkov–Glick models, finding that it can be made extensive by an appropriate choice of its parameter only when m-k≥3. Finally, in the su(3) case we construct in detail the phase diagram of the ground state in parameter space, showing that it is determined in a simple way by the weights of the fundamental representation of su(3). This is also true in the su(m+1) case; for instance, we prove that the region for which all the magnon densities are non-vanishing is an (m  +  1)-simplex in R^m whose vertices are the weights of the fundamental representation of su(m+1).

The Battle of the Bulge: The Surprising Last Stand Against State Marijuana Legalization

Although marijuana possession remains a federal crime, twenty-three states now allow use of marijuana for medical purposes and four states have adopted tax-and-regulate policies permitting use and possession by those twenty-one and over. In this article, I examine recent developments regarding marijuana regulation. I show that the Obama administration, after initially sending mixed signals, has taken several steps indicating an increasingly accepting position toward marijuana law reform in states; however the current situation regarding the dual legal status of marijuana is at best an unstable equilibrium. I also focus on what might be deemed the last stand of marijuana-legalization opponents, in the form of lawsuits filed by several states, sheriffs, and private plaintiffs challenging marijuana reform in Colorado (and by extension elsewhere). This analysis offers insights for federalism scholars regarding the speed with which marijuana law reform has occurred, the positions taken by various state and federal actors, and possible collaborative federalism solutions to the current state-federal standoff.

Human Rights in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the Future of the Troubled State after Kim Jong-Il

Since 2008, international speculation about the viability of Kim Jong-Il's leadership in North Korea has been at the forefront of diplomatic discussions. North Korea is known to be a secretive state where human rights violations abound. This paper discusses the history of leadership and government in North Korea since World War II, the current human rights situation in the country, the role of China, and potential successors to Kim Jong-Il. The ramifications of impending regime change are discussed in terms of North Korea's human rights issues and economic problems. While current efforts at diplomacy have proved ineffective, the need for concerned nations, intergovernmental organizations, and non-governmental organizations to be prepared to engage North Korea after Kim Jong-Il is imperative.

Des-re-territorialização e áreas protegidas na Amazônia: reflexões a partir do caso da Estação Ecológica da Terra do Meio-Pa-Brasil

A criação de espaços territoriais especialmente protegidos é uma estratégia utilizada pelo homem desde a antiguidade, objetivando a reserva de áreas com características naturais necessárias à manutenção ou à reprodução cultural de populações humanas específicas, regulando e limitando o acesso e a apropriação de certos recursos e/ou reservando-os para usos ou futuros. Os processos de criação dessas “áreas especialmente protegidas” foram contudo intensificados, no final do século XX, com a percepção da finitude dos recursos naturais, e acelerados pelo florescimento e a consolidação do capitalismo, agora “globalizado”. Quando tais processos, são orientados por interesses diversos de grupos sociais hegemônicos, são comuns não só a desestruturação do modo de vida dos usuários dos recursos naturais tradicionalmente relacionados aos “territórios especiais”, como também a expulsão de grupos não-hegemônicos neles já instalados, sempre que suas práticas culturais sejam consideradas como incompatíveis com os fins e os objetivos da área que se pretende proteger. Entre os tipos de área especialmente protegida estabelecidos pela legislação brasileira, encontram-se as Unidades de Conservação da Natureza (UC). Criadas por Lei com o objetivo de conservar a biodiversidade brasileira, as UC vem sendo palco de diversos conflitos ambientais envolvendo populações tradicionais em todos os biomas brasileiros, mas pode ser mais facilmente evidenciada na Amazônia, aonde a megabiodiversidade a proteger se sobrepõe a territórios ocupados por diversas etnias indígenas e outros povos tradicionais. Os conflitos são intensificados quando a categoria de manejo da UC criada restringe o acesso e altera os modos de apropriação e/ou dos usos tradicionais dos recursos naturais da área por parte dos residentes, inclusive impedindo a continuidade da permanência das populações no interior da UC, no caso o grupo das UC de Proteção Integral. À luz dos debates que vem sendo travados no campo da ecologia política, tais processos conflituosos estariam associados à desterritorialização dos grupos afetados pela criação da UC, nos quais o Estado brasileiro seria o responsável direto. Independentemente das diversas abordagens acadêmicas para o conceito de “território”, entende-se atualmente que a territorialização e a desterritorialização (com consequente reterritorialização) são processos interrelacionados e circularmente conectados, não podendo ser compreendidos separadamente. Assim, o objetivo do presente trabalho é contribuir para a compreensão desses processos de des-re-terrritorialização, avaliando como alguns mecanismos previstos na Lei do Sistema Nacional das Unidades de Conservação para o reassentamento das populações anteriormente residentes vem sendo aplicados, no sentido de promover processos de reterritorialização. As reflexões apresentadas se dão a partir do caso dos ribeirinhos e colonos residentes na Estação Ecológica da Terra do Meio, Pará, Brasil. A partir da avaliação, são propostas alternativas para minimizar a situação de injustiça ambiental na qual se encontram esses atores sociais específicos.