939 resultados para Latin American art


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This article provides a critical account of the idea of race, conceived of and derived from European colonisers in the New World. The paper argues that race became a crucial category to the colonising projects of the New World, and in particular in the distribution of power during colonialism. The paper further examines how the notion of Latinidad (Latinity), entrenched in the term Latin America, continued to enact a discourse of racial superiority/inferiority even after the battles for Independence had taken place. Employing the critical vocabulary and framework of Decolonial theory, the paper introduces key arguments against Western European universality, and calls for a re-reading of the processes that structure privilege across racial and ethnic lines.

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This paper studies the Bankruptcy Law in Latin America, focusing on the Brazilian reform. We start with a review of the international literature and its evolution on this subject. Next, we examine the economic incentives associated with several aspects of bankruptcy laws and insolvency procedures in general, as well as the trade-offs involved. After this theoretical discussion, we evaluate empirically the current stage of the quality of insolvency procedures in Latin America using data from Doing Business and World Development Indicators, both from World Bank and International Financial Statistics from IMF. We find that the region is governed by an inefficient law, even when compared with regions of lower per capita income. As theoretical and econometric models predict, this inefficiency has severe consequences for credit markets and the cost of capital. Next, we focus on the recent Brazilian bankruptcy reform, analyzing its main changes and possible effects over the economic environment. The appendix describes difficulties of this process of reform in Brazil, and what other Latin American countries can possibly learn from it.

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This text briejly describes the Housing Development lndex (HDI). Following a concise introduction on the reasons for this research, HDI's methodology, characteristics, properties and databases supporting its calculation are discussed. Next, the third part presents, analyzes and compares the HDI's figures for Brazil and some other Latin American countries. The part that follows shows HDI figures for all states in Brazil and points out the regional differences and the indicator 's recent growth. Then, this paper analyses the injluence of some social and economic variables on the HDI and, finally, it makes some considerations on HDI.

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Latin America is the region that bears the highest rates of inequality in the world. Deininger and Squire (1996) showed that Latin American countries achieved only minor reductions in inequality between 1960 and 1990. On the other hand, East Asian countries, recurrently cited in recent literature on this issue, have significantly narrowed the gap in income inequality, while achieving sustained economic growth. These facts have triggered a renewed discussion on the relationship between income inequality and economic growth. According to the above literature, income inequality could have an adverse effect on countries’ growth rates. The main authors who spouse this line of thinking are Persson and Tebellini (1994), Alesina and Rodrik (1994), Perotti (1996), Bénabou (1996), and Deininger and Squire (1996, 1998). More recently, however, articles were published that questioned the evidence presented previously. Representatives of this new point of view, namely Li and Zou (1998), Barro (1999), Deininger and Olinto (2000) and Forbes (2000), believe that the relation between these variables can be positive, i.e., income inequality can indeed foster economic growth. Using this literature as a starting point, this article seeks to evaluate the relation between income inequality and economic growth in Latin America, based on a 13-country panel, from 1970 to 1995. After briefly reviewing the above articles, this study estimates the per capita GDP and growth rate equations, based on the neoclassical approach for economic growth. It also estimates the Kuznets curve for this sample of countries. Econometric results are in line with recent work conducted in this area – particularly Li and Zou (1998) and Forbes (2000) – and confirm the positive relation between inequality and growth, and also support Kuznets hypothesis.

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The paper, first, summarizes Latin American structuralism, and offers reasons why it was so influential and durable in the region, as it attended to real demands, and was part of 1950s’mainstream economics. Second, says why, with 1980s’Great Crisis, structuralism eventually ended itself into crisis, as it was unable to keep pace with historical new facts, particularly with the industrial revolution or takeoff, that made Latin American economies intermediary, still developing, but fully capitalist. Third, it lists the consensus that today exists on economic development. Forth, opposes “official orthodoxy” to “developmental populism”, the former deriving from neoclassical economics, the later from structuralism, and offers, in relation to six strategic issues, a progressive development alternative.

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Nos anos 1960 e 1970 a América Latina foi palco de golpes militares modernizadores e da transição de seus intelectuais do nacionalismo para a dependência associada. Nos anos 1950 dois grupos de intelectuais públicos, organizados entre a Cepal, em Santiago, Chile, e o ISEB, no Rio de Janeiro, Brasil, abriram caminho para o pensamento das sociedades e economias latino-americanas (inclusive do Brasil) a partir de uma visão nacionalista. A Cepal criticava principalmente a lei das vantagens comparativas e suas essenciais implicações imperialistas; o ISEB se focava na definição política de uma estratégia nacional-desenvolvimentista. A idéia de uma burguesia nacional era a resposta para esta interpretação da América Latina. A Revolução Cubana, a crise econômica dos anos 1960 e os golpes militares nos países do Cone Sul, entretanto, criaram espaço para a crítica a essas idéias com uma nova interpretação: a da dependência. Ao rejeitar totalmente a possibilidade de uma burguesia nacional, duas versões da interpretação da dependência (a interpretação “associada” e a “superexploração”) também rejeitaram a possibilidade de uma estratégia nacional-desenvolvimentista. Apenas uma terceira interpretação, a “nacional-dependente” continuava a afirmar a necessidade e a possibilidade de uma burguesia nacional e de uma estratégia nacional. Entretanto, foi a interpretação da dependência associada que foi dominante na América Latina nos anos 1970 e 1980.

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O fracasso do consenso de Washington e das políticas macroeconômicas, baseadas em altas taxas de juros e taxas de câmbio não-competitivas para promover o crescimento da economia, levou os países da América Latina a formularem estratégias nacionais de desenvolvimento. O novo desenvolvimentismo é uma estratégia alternativa não apenas à ortodoxia convencional, mas também ao antigo nacional-desenvolvimentismo latino-americano. Enquanto o antigo nacional desenvolvimentismo era baseado na tendência à deterioração dos termos de troca e, adotando uma abordagem microeconômica, propunha planejamento econômico e industrialização, o novo nacional-desenvolvimentismo pressupõe que a industrialização foi alcançada, apesar de em diferentes estágios em cada país, e argumenta que, para assegurar rápidas taxas de crescimento e o catch up, a tendência que deve ser neutralizada é a da sobrevalorização da taxa de câmbio. Contrariamente à economia convencional, um estado capaz continua sendo o instrumento chave para assegurar o desenvolvimento econômico, a política industrial continua sendo necessária; mas o que distingue a nova abordagem é principalmente o crescimento com poupança interna, ao invés de com poupança externa. Uma política macroeconômica baseada em taxas de juros moderadas e uma taxa de câmbio competitiva, e não altas taxas de juros e moeda sobreapreciada conforme recomenda a ortodoxia convencional.

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This article analyses the relationship between infrastructure and total factor productivity (TFP) in the four major Latin American economies: Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Mexico. We hypothesise that an increase in infrastructure has an indirect effect on long-term economic growth by raising productivity. To assess this theory, we use the traditional Johansen methodology for testing the cointegration between TFP and physical measures of infrastructure stock, such as energy, roads, and telephones. We then apply the Lütkepohl, Saikkonen and Trenkler Test, which considers a possible level shift in the series and has better small sample properties, to the same data set and compare the two tests. The results do not support a robust long-term relationship between the series; we do not find strong evidence that cuts in infrastructure investment in some Latin American countries were the main reason for the fall in TFP during the 1970s and 1980s.

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Due to several policy distortions, including import-substitution industrialization, widespread government intervention and both domestic and international competitive barriers, there has been a general presumption that Latin America has been much less productive than the leading economies in the last decades. In this paper we show, however, that until the late seventies Latin American countries had high productivity levels relative to the United States. It is only after the late seventies that we observe a fast decrease of relative TFP in Latin America. We also show that the inclusion of human capital in the production function makes a crucial diference in the TFP calculations for Latin America.

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We investigate the role of sectorial differences in labor productivity and the process of structural transformation (reallocation of labor across sectors) in accounting for the time path of aggregate productivity across six Latin American countries (Brazil, Chile, Argentina, Colombia, Mexico and Venezuela) from 1950 to 2003. We used a general equilibrium model with three sectors (agriculture, industry and services) calibrated to those six economies. The model is used to compare the trajectory of productivity in each sector of activity with that of the United States and it impact on aggregate productivity.While in Brazil and Argentina, the Service Sector was responsible for reversing the process of catch up in productivity that occurred until the 1980s, in others, like Colombia, Mexico and Venezuela, low productivity growth of the three sectors explain their poor performance.

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Due to several policy distortions, including import-substitution industrialization, widespread government intervention and both domestic and international competitive barriers, there has been a general presumption that Latin America has been much less productive than the leading economies in the last decades. In this paper we show, however, that until the late seventies Latin American countries had high productivity levels relative to the United States. It is only after the late seventies that we observe a fast decrease of relative TFP in Latin America. We also show that the inclusion of human capital in the production function makes a crucial difference in the TFP calculations for Latin America.

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The economic regional integration is a phenomenon observed in numerous occasions inside the global economic reality. Watchful to that phenomenon, the 1988 s Brazilian constitutional order establish in its 4th article, single paragraph, the commitment to seek for the Latin- American integration, as a Fundamental Principle to the Brazilian Federative Republic. Regarding the mentioned constitutional disposition s realization, the Brazilian State celebrated, specially, the 1980 s Montevideo Treaty, creating the Latin-American Integration Association, and the 1991 s Asuncion Treaty, performing the duty to establish a common market, in sub regional level, with Argentina, Paraguay and Uruguay, called Mercado Comum do Sul. However, due to an addiction to a wrong comprehension of State s Sovereignty Principle, the Constitution imposes to the international rules an incorporation process, without providing any privilege to those ones regarding the integration constitutional disposition s realization, whether original or derived. The Brazilian s Supreme Court, as matter of fact, affirmed that it is not possible, facing the actual constitutional order, to grant any character of preference. Also in the controversies solution mechanism, responsible for the law s execution in case of its noncompliance, where found malfunctions, most notably the system s open character and its excessive procedural flexibility, in addiction to restricting the access of individuals. It follows from these findings, then, the lack of legal certainty provided by the Mercosul s legal system, considering its effects both international and within the Brazilian state. Among the possible solutions to reduce or eliminate the problem are using the practice of the so-called executive agreements in the Mercosul s original rules incorporation to the Brazilian state, the creation of a Mercosul s court of law and/or a constitutional reform