Elite Rugby Union Players Perceptions of Performance Analysis

This study provides an in depth insight into the current views and opinions of elite level rugby union players regarding the use of performance analysis as a tool for improving their own playing performance and in highlighting the strengths and weaknesses of upcoming opponents. A total of seventy-three elite level rugby union players from two clubs in Great Britain completed a semi-structured questionnaire. Additionally, four players completed a semi-structured interview and following inductive content analysis, four key themes emerged: (1) the use of video for player development, (2) preparing for a match, (3) using video for player reflection in addition to other psychological tools and (4) players suggestions for improvements to the clubs current performance analysis programme. The main finding of the study concludes that players viewed performance analysis as a beneficial and useful tool to support their development and preparation. As a result the study provides an insight into the use of performance analysis within professional rugby union, enabling rugby coaches and practitioners to gain an understanding and appreciation of the players views towards the clubs current provision. Additionally, the findings help build and strengthen the on-going knowledge coaches, analysts and researchers currently have regarding how players perceive performance analysis.

Tackling the terrorists: the experience of internment without trial in Northern Ireland

In August 1971, the devolved Stormont administration in Northern Ireland introduced internment without trial of those suspected of involvement in IRA terrorism. Ever since, the policy has been regarded as an abject failure. This article will reassess many of the key questions about internment: why did the Northern Ireland government introduce it when it did? Why did the Westminster government agree to a measure without parallel in British peacetime history? Why did it fail, when it had worked before? Was internment always doomed, or only because it was badly implemented? What was the alternative? How does the liberal democratic state defend itself against violent subversion without itself resorting to brutality and violence? This article is based on archival research in Great Britain, Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, and on interviews with former internees, politicians and civil servants, and former members of the security forces. It suggests that internment was a relatively humane and honest policy and might, in different circumstances, have spared Northern Ireland thirty years of murder and mayhem.

Prévention des maladies et promotion de la santé: propositions pour une stratégie vaudoise : stratégie dans quelques régions : complément au rapport de mars 2007

[Table des matières] Introduction. 2 Stratégies de prévention dans d'autres régions. 3. Australie (Australian Better Health Initiative 2006-2010). 4. Royaume-Uni. 5. Suisse. 5.1 En résumé ... 5.2 Vers une loi fédérale (?) 5.3 Suisse : synopsis. 6. Saint-Gall. 6.1 Poids corporel sain pour les enfants. 6.2 Santé au travail. 6.3 Dépendances. 6.4 Prévention et promotion de la santé dans les communes. 6.5 Saint-Gall : synopsis. 7. Valais. 8. Tessin. 8.1 Canton du Tessin : Synopsis I (programme général). 8.2 Canton du Tessin : Synopsis II (activités en cours). Annexe 1 : 21 buts de santé pour la Suisse (Santé Publique Suisse). Annexe 2 : 7 thèses sur la nouvelle réglementation de la prévention et de la promotion de la santé en Suisse (Office fédéral de la santé publique).

Genomic, Epigenomic and Transcriptomic Molecular Characterization of Splenic Marginal Zone Lymphoma Reveals Recurrent Abnormalities in miR-182

Splenic marginal zone lymphoma (SMZL) is a low grade B-cell non-Hodgkin's lymphoma. The molecular pathology of this entity remains poorly understood. To characterise this lymphoma at the molecular level, we performed an integrated analysis of 1) genome wide genetic copy number alterations 2) gene expression profiles and 3) epigenetic DNA methylation profiles.We have previously shown that SMZL is characterised by recurrent alterations of chromosomes 7q, 6q, 3q, 9q and 18; however, gene resolution oligonucleotide array comparative genomic hybridisation did not reveal evidence of cryptic amplification or deletion in these regions. The most frequently lost 7q32 region contains a cluster of miRNAs. qRT-PCR revealed that three of these (miR-182/96/183) show underexpression in SMZL, and miR-182 is somatically mutated in >20% of cases of SMZL, as well as in >20% of cases of follicular lymphoma, and between 5-15% of cases of chronic lymphocytic leukaemia, MALT-lymphoma and hairy cell leukaemia. We conclude that miR-182 is a strong candidate novel tumour suppressor miRNA in lymphoma.The overall gene expression signature of SMZL was found to be strongly distinct fromthose of other lymphomas. Functional analysis of gene expression data revealed SMZL to be characterised by abnormalities in B-cell receptor signalling (especially through the CD19/21-PI3K/AKT pathway) and apoptotic pathways. In addition, genes involved in the response to viral infection appeared upregulated. SMZL shows a unique epigenetic profile, but analysis of differentially methylated genes showed few with methylation related transcriptional deregulation, suggesting that DNA methylation abnormalities are not a critical component of the SMZL malignant phenotype.

Trends in lung cancer among young European women: the rising epidemic in France and Spain.

Lung cancer mortality in young women in the European Union (EU) has steadily increased until the mid 1990 s and has levelled off thereafter, but trends have been heterogeneous in various countries. We analyzed therefore age-standardized trends in lung cancer mortality in young women (20-44) for the 6 major European countries, using joinpoint regression. In the early 1970s the highest lung cancer mortality in young women was in the UK (2.1/100,000). UK rates, however, steadily declined and in 2000-2004 they were the lowest of all 6 major EU countries (1.2/100,000). The second lowest rate in 2000-2002 was in Italy, whose rates remained around 1.1/100,000 between 1970 and 1994, and increased to 1.4 thereafter. In Germany and Poland, lung cancer rates in young women rose from 0.8-1.0/100,000 in the early 1970s to 1.7-1.9 in the mid 1990 s and levelled off during the last decade. Major rises over recent years were observed in France (from 0.8/100,000 in 1985-1989 to 2.2 in 2000-2003) and in Spain (from 0.8 in the 1985-1989 to 1.7 in 2000-2004). Thus, France showed both the highest rate observed over the last 3 decades and the largest rise over the last 2 decades. Since recent trends in the young give relevant information to the likely future trends in middle age, the female lung cancer epidemic is likely to expand in southern Europe from the current rates of 5.0/100,000 in Spain and 7.7 in France to approach 20/100,000 within the next 2-3 decades. Urgent interventions for smoking cessation in women are therefore required.

Chronique de Normandie, jusqu'en 1217.

Contient : « Cy ensuivent les croniques de Normandie. Pour ce que ceulx de bonne voulenté qui tendent venir à honneur selon Dieu par vaillance et par hardement... » ; « ... cel an s'esmeurent les Chrestiens de toutes terres de Chrestienté à eulx croisier pour aler en Jherusalem conquerre [la Sainte Terre] »

The Falkland Islands War of 1982: a legal, diplomatic and strategic evaluation

The Falkland Islands War of 1982 was fought over competing claims to sovereignty over a group of islands off the east coast of South America. The dispute was between Argentina and the United Kingdom. Argentina claims the islands under rights to Spanish succession, the fact that they lie off the Argentine coast line and that in 1833 Great Britain took the islands illegally and by force. The United Kingdom claims the islands primarily through prescription--the fact that they have governed the islands in a peaceful, continuous and public manner since 1833. The British also hold that the population living on the islands, roughly eighteen hundred British descendants, should be able to decide their own future. The United Kingdom also lays claim to the islands through rights of discovery and settlement, although this claim has always been challenged by Spain who until 1811 governed the islands. Both claims have legal support, and the final decision if there will ever be one is difficult to predict. Sadly today the ultimate test of sovereignty does not come through international law but remains in the idea that "He is sovereign who can defend his sovereignty." The years preceding the Argentine invasion of 1982 witnessed many diplomatic exchanges between The United Kingdom and Argentina over the future of the islands. During this time the British sent signals to Argentina that ii implied a decline in British resolve to hold the islands and demonstrated that military action did more to further the talks along than did actual negotiations. The Argentine military junta read these signals and decided that they could take the islands in a quick military invasion and that the United Kingdom would consider the act as a fait accompli and would not protest the invasion. The British in response to this claimed that they never signaled to Argentina that a military solution was acceptable to them and launched a Royal Navy task force to liberate the islands. Both governments responded to an international crisis with means that were designed both to resolve the international crisis and increase the domestic popularity of the government. British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher was facing an all-time low in popularity for post-War Prime Ministers while Argentine President General Galtieri needed to gain mass popular support so he could remain a viable President after he was scheduled to lose command of the army and a seat on the military junta that ran the country. The military war for the Falklands is indicative of the nature of modern warfare between Third World countries. It shows that the gap in military capabilities between Third and First World countries is narrowing significantly. Modern warfare between a First and Third World country is no longer a 'walk over' for the First World country.

The law of the sea: the United States, Canada and the deep seabed

The Falkland Islands War of 1982 was fought over competing claims to sovereignty over a group of islands off the east coast of South America. The dispute was between Argentina and the United Kingdom. Argentina claims the islands under rights to Spanish succession, the fact that they lie off the Argentine coast line and that in 1833 Great Britain took the islands illegally and by force. The United Kingdom claims the islands primarily through prescription--the fact that they have governed the islands in a peaceful, continuous and public manner since 1833. The British also hold that the population living on the islands, roughly eighteen hundred British descendants, should be able to decide their own future. The United Kingdom also lays claim to the islands through rights of discovery and settlement, although this claim has always been challenged by Spain who until 1811 governed the islands. Both claims have legal support, and the final decision if there will ever be one is difficult to predict. Sadly today the ultimate test of sovereignty does not come through international law but remains in the idea that "He is sovereign who can defend his sovereignty." The years preceding the Argentine invasion of 1982 witnessed many diplomatic exchanges between The United Kingdom and Argentina over the future of the islands. During this time the British sent signals to Argentina that ii implied a decline in British resolve to hold the islands and demonstrated that military action did more to further the talks along than did actual negotiations. The Argentine military junta read these signals and decided that they could take the islands in a quick military invasion and that the United Kingdom would consider the act as a fait accompli and would not protest the invasion. The British in response to this claimed that they never signaled to Argentina that a military solution was acceptable to them and launched a Royal Navy task force to liberate the islands. Both governments responded to an international crisis with means that were designed both to resolve the international crisis and increase the domestic popularity of the government. British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher was facing an all-time low in popularity for post-War Prime Ministers while Argentine President General Galtieri needed to gain mass popular support so he could remain a viable President after he was scheduled to lose command of the army and a seat on the military junta that ran the country. The military war for the Falklands is indicative of the nature of modern warfare between Third World countries. It shows that the gap in military capabilities between Third and First World countries is narrowing significantly. Modern warfare between a First and Third World country is no longer a 'walk over' for the First World country.

Canada seventy years ago : or, Prince Edward's visit to Niagara /

Verse.

A compressed view of the points to be discussed, in treating with the United States of America : with an appendix /

Appendix: On the conduct of the government of United States towards the Indian tribes: p.[129]-139.

Correspondence between the American and British Plentipotentiaries relative to the commercial convention concluded on the 3rd of July, 1815.--

January 16, 1816.

Important state papers : declaration of war, Washington, June 18, 4 o'clock, P.M.

Message to the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States / James Madison -- Report : the Committee on Foreign relations, to whom was referred the message of the President of the United States of the 1st of June, 1812 -- An Act, declaring war between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and the dependencies thereof, and the United States of America and their territories -- Address of the Senate to the people of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.

Letter from the Secretary of State to Mr. Monroe, on the subject of the attack on the Chesapeake : the correspondence of Mr. Monroe with the British Government ; and also Mr. Madison's correspondence with Mr. Rose on the same subject. --

March 23, 1808. Printed by order of the House of Representatives.

Message from the President of the United States, transmitting copies of a letter from the British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, to the Secretary of State, with the answer of the latter.--

January 6, 1814. Ordered to lie on the table.