949 resultados para De for election clause
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We study three contractual arrangements—co-development, licensing, and co-development with opt-out options—for the joint development of new products between a small and financially constrained innovator firm and a large technology company, as in the case of a biotech innovator and a major pharma company. We formulate our arguments in the context of a two-stage model, characterized by technical risk and stochastically changing cost and revenue projections. The model captures the main disadvantages of traditional co-development and licensing arrangements: in co-development the small firm runs a risk of running out of capital as future costs rise, while licensing for milestone and royalty (M&R) payments, which eliminates the latter risk, introduces inefficiency, as profitable projects might be abandoned. Counter to intuition we show that the biotech's payoff in a licensing contract is not monotonically increasing in the M&R terms. We also show that an option clause in a co-development contract that gives the small firm the right but not the obligation to opt out of co-development and into a pre-agreed licensing arrangement avoids the problems associated with fully committed co-development or licensing: the probability that the small firm will run out of capital is greatly reduced or completely eliminated and profitable projects are never abandoned.
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Numerous studies have shown that accentuation and implicit verb causality influenced pronoun resolution. However, many researchers cannot agree on the time course, as well as they know little about the interaction between the two types of information during comprehending Chinese sentences. The study aimed to explore the effects of accentuation and implicit verb causality on the pronoun processing during spoken Chinese sentences comprehension as well as their time courses, using auditory moving window technique and cross-modal probe paradigm. The main results were: 1) The reading time of the second clause in stressed pronoun condition was significantly longer than that in unstressed pronoun condition. Accentuation influenced the activation level of candidate antecedents. 2) Implicit verb causality influenced the pronoun interpretation during spoken Chinese sentences comprehension. It also affected the activation level of candidate antecedents immediately after people heard the pronoun. 3) There was “the first-mentioned effect” in spoken Chinese sentences comprehension. The effect seemed as if a general phenomenon during the pronoun processing. 4) Accentuation, Implicit verb causality and the first-mentioned effect interacted during the pronoun processing and spoken Chinese sentences comprehension. This study supported the focus hypothesis, indicating accentuation could shift the center of attention even in nonparallel-structure sentences; implicit verb causality influences the pronoun processing immediately; there was interaction between accentuation and implicit verb causality during spoken sentence comprehension.
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Scully, Roger, Jones, Richard Wyn, and Trystan, Dafydd, 'Turnout, Participation and Legitimacy in Post-Devolution Wales', British Journal of Political Science (2004) 34(3) pp.519-537 RAE2008
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Price, Roger, The French Second Empire: an anatomy of political power (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), pp.x+507 RAE2008
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Price, Roger, People and Politics in France, 1848-1870 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), pp.x+477 RAE2008
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Zwiększanie składu Parlamentu Europejskiego jest zjawiskiem zrozumiałym i związanym z rozszerzaniem się Unii o kolejne państwa. Zazwyczaj zwiększenie składu PE następuje wraz z rozpoczęciem nowej kadencji. Niniejszy artykuł omawia jednakże przypadek zwiększenia składu PE podczas trwającej kadencji. Konieczność zwiększenia liczby mandatów przypadających części państw wywołana została wejściem w życie Traktatu Lizbońskiego, przewidującego zwiększenie liczby mandatów do PE z 736 do 754. W Traktacie nie umieszczono przepisu wskazującego, że przepisy dotyczące składu PE wejdą w życie od nowej kadencji, co zrodziło szereg problemów związanych przede wszystkim z wyborem trybu obsady dodatkowych mandatów. Rada Europejska zaproponowała 3 sposoby obsady dodatkowych mandatów: na podstawie wyników wyborów z czerwca 2009 r., w drodze wyborów przeprowadzonych ad hoc, przez parlamenty narodowe spośród swych członków. Wszystkie państwa członkowskie, w tym Polska, zdecydowały się na wybór pierwszego ze wskazanych sposobów. Zdaniem autora, przyjęty w Polsce sposób obsady dodatkowego mandatu dokonany na podstawie przeprowadzonych już wyborów jest wątpliwy z punktu widzenia zgodności z Konstytucją RP.
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Antysemicki dyskurs wcale nie potrzebuje obecności Żydów jako racji swojego bytu i legitymizacji istnienia. Zwalcza Żydów wyimaginowanych i symbolicznych. Żydów z nadania, a zwłaszcza wszystko to, przeciwko czemu występuje i na różne sposoby stara się z Żydami skojarzyć. Praktyka taka niejednokrotnie dała o sobie znać w toku prezydenckich kampanii wyborczych w Polsce po roku 1989. Efektów płynących z instrumentalizacji antysemityzmu, choć samo zjawisko jest godne wyłącznie pogardy, nie należy jednak przeceniać i nadawać mu nadmiernego znaczenia przy interpretacji decyzji powziętych przez wyborców. Gdyby w istocie miał on stanowić instrument o przemożnym oddziaływaniu, to ironizując Aleksander Kwaśniewski nie zostałby dwukrotnie prezydentem Polski.
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Wydział Neofilologii: Instytut Lingwistyki Stosowanej
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http://books.google.com/books?vid=OCLC55772204
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Much work has been done on learning from failure in search to boost solving of combinatorial problems, such as clause-learning and clause-weighting in boolean satisfiability (SAT), nogood and explanation-based learning, and constraint weighting in constraint satisfaction problems (CSPs). Many of the top solvers in SAT use clause learning to good effect. A similar approach (nogood learning) has not had as large an impact in CSPs. Constraint weighting is a less fine-grained approach where the information learnt gives an approximation as to which variables may be the sources of greatest contention. In this work we present two methods for learning from search using restarts, in order to identify these critical variables prior to solving. Both methods are based on the conflict-directed heuristic (weighted-degree heuristic) introduced by Boussemart et al. and are aimed at producing a better-informed version of the heuristic by gathering information through restarting and probing of the search space prior to solving, while minimizing the overhead of these restarts. We further examine the impact of different sampling strategies and different measurements of contention, and assess different restarting strategies for the heuristic. Finally, two applications for constraint weighting are considered in detail: dynamic constraint satisfaction problems and unary resource scheduling problems.
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Given the economic and social importance of agriculture in the early years of the Irish Free State, it is surprising that the development of organisations representing farmers has not received the attention it deserves from historians. While the issues of government agricultural policy and the land question have been extensively studied in the historiography, the autonomous response by farmers to agricultural policies and the detailed study of the farmers’ organisations has simply been ignored in spite of the existence of a range of relevant primary sources. Farmers’ organisations have only received cursory treatment in these studies; they have been presented as passive spectators, responding in a Pavlovian manner to outside events. The existing historiography has only studied farmers’ organisations during periods when they impinged on national politics, epecially during the War of Independence and the Economic War. Therefore chronological gaps exist which has led to much misinterpretation of farmers’ activities. This thesis will redress this imbalance by studying the formation and continuous development of farmers’ organisations within the twenty-six county area and the reaction of farmers to changing government agricultural policies, over the period 1919 to 1936. The period under review entailed many attempts by farmers to form representative organisations and encompassed differing policy regimes. The thesis will open in 1919, when the first national organisation representing farmers, the Irish Farmers’ Union, was formed. In 1922, the union established the Farmers’ Party. By the mid- 1920’s, a number of protectionist agricultural associations had been formed. While the Farmers’ Party was eventually absorbed by Cumann na nGaedheal, local associations of independent farmers occupied the resultant vacuum and contested the 1932 election. These organisations formed the nucleus of a new national organisation; the National Farmers’ and Ratepayers’ League. The agricultural crisis caused by both the Great Depression and the Economic War facilitated the expansion of the league. The league formed a political party, the Centre Party, to contest the 1933 election. While the Centre Party was absorbed by the newly-formed Fine Gael, activists from the former farmer organisations led the campaign against the payment of annuities and rates. Many of them continued this campaign after 1934, when the Fine Gael leadership opposed the violent resistance to the collection of annuities. New farmer organisations were formed to co-ordinate this campaign which continued until 1936, the closing point of the thesis.
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Gemstone Team VOTE-CP (Voice of the Electorate - Collegiate Participation)
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Cognitive-emotional distinctiveness (CED), the extent to which an individual separates emotions from an event in the cognitive representation of the event, was explored in four studies. CED was measured using a modified multidimensional scaling procedure. The first study found that lower levels of CED in memories of the September 11 terrorist attacks predicted greater frequency of intrusive thoughts about the attacks. The second study revealed that CED levels are higher in negative events, in comparison to positive events and that low CED levels in emotionally intense negative events are associated with a pattern of greater event-related distress. The third study replicated the findings from the previous study when examining CED levels in participants' memories of the 2004 Presidential election. The fourth study revealed that low CED in emotionally intense negative events is associated with worse mental health. We argue that CED is an adaptive and healthy coping feature of stressful memories.
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Subjects read and recalled a series of five short stories in one of four plot and style combinations. The stories were written in one of two styles that consisted of opposing clause orders (i.e., independent-dependent vs. dependent-independent), tense forms (i.e., past vs. present), and descriptor forms (modifier modifier vs. modifier as a noun). The subjects incorporated both plot and style characteristics into their recalls. Other subjects, who, after five recalls, either generated a new story or listed the rules that had been followed by the stories read, included the marked forms of the characteristics they learned more often, except for tense. The subjects read and recalled four stories of the same plot and style and then read and recalled a fifth story of the same plot and style or of one of the other three plot/style combinations. Ability to switch style depended on both the characteristic and the markedness.
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In Belgium, gender-parity has been compulsory for all party lists (in local, regional, federal and European elections) for several years. As a result, the proportion of women has risen from a fourth up to a third of the deputies. Yet, strict parity is still far from realised. This article seeks to establish what causes this glass ceiling, namely the parties' reluctance to place female candidates in the top positions or even as the front-runner. In a proportional representation system with half-open lists, and especially when the constituencies are small, this automatically leads to a smaller proportion of women among the elected deputies. One important reason for the parties' reluctance to rank female candidates higher is their assumption that women are less effective as "election locomotives" than men. However, the analysis of the Belgian election results makes clear that this is not the case. Female candidates in top positions are as successful as their male counterparts. © (2008) Swiss Political Science Review.