933 resultados para Crisis políticas


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The introduction outlines the notion of urban space and crisis in Europe while taking into account the more recent protests and riots in different cities, in and beyond Europe. It is argued that the phenomen of protest is happening alongside the economic crisis underscoring an alternative political public civic spirit expressing to a certain degree the renaissance and timely making of, what might be called in the digital age, #œuvre. Its forces and emotional properties capture a political realm that unfolds as a globalized urban transnational public space, still progressing. Further, it introduces the collection of papers for the special themed feature. Five papers look at affective practices through a Continental European lens, which places the meaning of race, migration and intersecting identity angles at the centre of debates of individual encounters in public spaces. The final and sixth paper, written by Brenda Yeoh, looks through a Singapore/East Asia lens, and comments on the common European threats as well as on the historical specificity and implications of distinctive geo-political spaces for affective practices.

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Conventional understandings of what the Westminster model implies anticipate reliance on a top-down, hierarchical approach to budgetary accountability, reinforced by a post–New Public Management emphasis on recentralizing administrative capacity. This article, based on a comparative analysis of the experiences of Britain and Ireland, argues that the Westminster model of bureaucratic control and oversight itself has been evolving, hastened in large part due to the global financial crisis. Governments have gained stronger controls over the structures and practices of agencies, but agencies are also key players in securing better governance outcomes. The implication is that the crisis has not seen a return to the archetypal command-and-control model, nor a wholly new implementation of negotiated European-type practices, but rather a new accountability balance between elements of the Westminster system itself that have not previously been well understood.

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The recent European economic crisis has dramatically exposed the failures of
the various institutional mechanisms in place to maintain economic stability
in Europe, and has unveiled the difficulty in achieving international coordination
on fiscal and financial stability policies. Drawing on the European
experience, this article analyzes the concept of economic stability in international
law and highlights the peculiar problems connected to its maintenance
or promotion. First, we demonstrate that policies that safeguard and
protect economic stability are largely regulated and managed at the national
level, due to their inextricable relationship with the exercise of national political
power. Until recently, more limited levels of pan-European integration
did not make the coordination of economic stability policies seem necessary.
However, a much deeper level of economic integration makes it very difficult
to tackle an international economic crisis through national responses. If EU
Member states wish to maintain and deepen economic integration, they
must accept an erosion of sovereignty over their economic stability policies.
This will not only deprive states of a fundamental anchor of political power,
but also create a challenge for the maintenance of democratic control over
economic policies. Second, this article argues that soft law approaches are
likely ineffective in enforcing the regulatory disciplines required to ensure
economic stability.

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This paper showcases the weaknesses of EU enlargement law and demonstrates how one Member State – namely, Greece – is notable for abusing this weakness, for harming the candidate countries, the EU, and the institutions alike, for stripping the EU position of its predictability, and for undermining the EU Commission’s efforts. Accordingly, Greece has severely incapacitated the key procedural rule of law component of the EU’s enlargement regulation, turning it into a randomised political game and ignoring any long-term goals of stability, prosperity, and peace that the process is to stand for. Following a walk through Greece’s engagement throughout a number of enlargement rounds, the paper concludes that the duty of loyalty – which is presumably able to discipline Member States that undermine the common effort – should find a new meaning in the context of EU enlargement.

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This paper examines the connectedness of the Eurozone sovereign debt market over the period 2005–2011. By employing measures built from the variance decompositions of approximating models we are able to define weighted, directed networks that enable a deeper understanding of the relationships between the Eurozone countries. We find that connectedness in the Eurozone was very high during the calm market conditions preceding the global financial crisis but decreased dramatically when the crisis took hold, and worsened as the Eurozone sovereign debt crisis emerged. The drop in connectedness was especially prevalent in the case of the peripheral countries with some of the most peripheral countries deteriorating into isolation. Our results have implications for both market participants and regulators.

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This article discusses the role of EU anti-discrimination law in challenging EU anti-crisis measures from a critical legal studies perspective. Critical legal scholarship is defined through its challenge of ‘lex’ through the vision of ‘ius’ and its critical links with social movements. EU anti-discrimination law attracts critique for constituting a compartmentalised socio-legal field, which prevents justice for those at intersections of inequalities. By defining as the aim of anti-discrimination law the combat of disadvantage resulting from ascribed otherness around the nodes sex/gender, race/ethnicity, and disability, the article suggests a convincing normative vision suitable to de-compartmentalise the field and adequately address intersectionality. This critical legal perspective on intersectionality differs from its sociological counterparts by omitting class as a category. The article demonstrates that this distinction is necessary for EU anti-discrimination law to maintain its critical edge.

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Dissertação, Mestrado, Gestão das Organizações de Economia Social, Instituto Politécnico de Santarém, Escola Superior de Gestão e Tecnologia, 2013

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O tronco unificador da árvore educativa em Portugal sintetiza-se num conjunto de normativos que regulam o processo de ensino/aprendizagem, do pré-escolar ao ensino universitário, passando pelas diversas vertentes e modalidades que assume a escolaridade portuguesa. O primeiro documento, a partir do qual se postula toda a legislação em vigor é a Constituição Portuguesa de 1976, sendo a Lei n.o 46/86 de 14 de Outubro, a Lei de Bases do Sistema Educativo, o documento base estruturador do sistema educativo português. De 1986 a 2010, têm-se sucedido reformas, alterações curriculares, diferentes perspectivas de se encarar a educação e os seus actores. Com o presente estudo, que se enquadra no âmbito de uma investigação mais ampla, pretende-se apresentar e debater as principais linhas do pensamento educativo, com base na interpretação dos principais normativos em vigor, procurando responder à questão de qual será o modus operandi mais adequado para dar resposta aos desafios do século XXI, em Portugal. Paradoxalmente, elementos da pedagogia crítica coexistem com elementos de um pensamento neoconservador, no quadro normativo português: ideias como a “igualdade de oportunidades” e “inclusão” surgem ao mesmo tempo em que cada vez mais se incrementam “Quadros de Valor e Excelência”, “Prémios de Mérito” para docentes e discentes, numa procura de excelência mais próxima de uma política neoconservadora.