991 resultados para trajectoire des immigrants


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Freedom to provide services - Nationals of a non-member country - Posted Workers

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Dans son premier roman, Indiana (1832), Sand établit un réseau de correspondances entre la langue, la performance et l'identité sexuelle qui n'ont pas encore fait l'objet d'une étude approfondie. Or, ces correspondances sous-tendent d'autres romans des années 1830, notamment Lélia (1833), Le Secrétaire intime (1834) et Gabriel (1839). Deux concepts – la performance et la lisibilité – fondent en fait les réflexions de Sand sur la représentation et le genre. Il s'agit dans cet article d'étudier ce réseau d'associations et d'explorer son évolution dans la fiction sandienne des années 1830. Cette analyse permettra de souligner comment, chez Sand, la performativité du genre met en question et trouble la représentation mimétique.

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This article contextualises Malraux' s last novel, written during WWII, within French Literary and politico philosophical traditions (Fustel de Coulanges, Renan, Peguy, Barres, Claudel) in order to explain the author's often misrepresented conversion from Internationalism to Gaullism. Literary motives in the novel are discussed in the light of a continued debate with German thinkers (Treitschke, Strauss, Nietzsche) throughout Malraux's oeuvre. It is shown that Malraux, while literarily at his most barresian, subverts Barres's Nationalism to embrace Nietzsche's ideas, while in turn, he finds in German philosophy a reason to fight, both in the novel and through his military "engagement", against Germany.

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Two studies were carried out in England to investigate the role of essentialist national group definitions in determining the effect of national identification on prejudice towards immigrants, and asylum seekers in particular. It was expected that the relationship between national identification and prejudice would depend on the degree to which participants endorse an essentialist (`ethnic') definition of their nationality. Consistent with this, Study 1 (N=154) found that national identification is associated with negativity towards asylum seekers only among individuals who endorse an essentialist conception of the group, and shows no significant association with prejudice among those who reject such a conception. Study 2 (N=219) used a longitudinal design conducted over 6 weeks, allowing cross-lagged analysis of causality between essentialism, identification, and behavioural intentions towards asylum seekers. A causal effect of essentialism on willingness to support a group acting against asylum seekers was observed, with no significant causal effect in the reverse direction. The reverse causal direction was observed in the case of support for a group seeking to support asylum seekers, with intended behaviours determining essentialism. The results are discussed in terms of the importance of group definitions in the study of in-group affiliations and prejudice.

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We argue that attitudes about immigration can be better understood by paying closer attention to the various ways in which national group boundaries are demarcated. We describe two related lines of work that address this. The first deals with national group definitions and, based on evidence from studies carried out in England and analyses of international survey data, argues that the relationship between national identification and prejudice toward immigrants is contingent on the extent to which ethnic or civic definitions of nationality are endorsed. The second, which uses European survey data, examines support for ascribed and acquired criteria that can be applied when determining who is permitted to migrate to one's country, and the various forms of national and individual threat that affect support for these criteria. We explain how the research benefits from a multilevel approach and also suggest how these findings relate to some current policy debates.

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This paper explores one of the defining aspects of politics and identity in Northern Ireland : the control and utilisation of public space, particularly urban public space. I will examine evidence of some changes in the way public space is being used in central Belfast that potentially reflects changing identities in the city. The paper concludes by speculating on whether a new civic identity that spans the political and ethnic divisions has started to develop in Belfast and that this might evolve even with increased residential division throughout the Belfast urban area.