Challenge of transition in the socio-professional insertion of youngsters with neurodisabilities.

Objective: To evaluate the activities of patients with neurodisabilities and assess their insertion problems in the professional world. Methods: It is based on medical records of 267 patients (224 with neurodevelopmental diseases and 43 with neuromuscular diseases), aged 16-25 years, followed in the transition clinic of young adults in the neurorehabilitation services of a tertiary center. Results: Nearly half of them (46.8%) were in a protected environment, 37.08% studied and only 3.4% worked. Their studies are much longer and they are less in university than Swiss people of same age. The competitiveness criteria are no mental retardation and to be completely independent. Finally, 29.2% reported work problems, the foremost being the lack of adaptation in the workplace. Conclusion: These results highlight the need to increase the integration of young adults with neuromotor disorders in the labor market.

The Political Communication of Independent Regulatory Agencies

Since independent regulatory agencies (IRAs) became key actors in European regulatory governance in the 1990s, a significant share of policy-making has been carried out by organizations that are neither democratically elected nor directly accountable to elected politicians. In this context, public communication plays an important role. On the one hand, regulatory agencies might try to use communication to raise their accountability and thereby to mitigate their democratic deficit. On the other hand, communication may be used with the intent to steer the behavior of the regulated industry when more coercive regulatory means are unfeasible or undesirable. However, empirical research focusing directly on how regulators communicate is virtually non-existent. To fill this gap, this paper examines the public communication of IRAs in four countries (the United Kingdom, Germany, Ireland, and Switzerland) and three sectors (financial services, telecommunications, and broadcasting). The empirical analysis, based on qualitative interviews and a quantitative content analysis, indicates that the organization of the communication function follows a national pattern approach while a policy sector approach is helpful for understanding the use of communication as a soft tool of regulation.

More Money, Fewer Problems? Cross-Level Effects of Economic Deprivation on Political Representation

While equal political representation of all citizens is a fundamental democratic goal, it is hampered empirically in a multitude of ways. This study examines how the societal level of economic inequality affects the representation of relatively poor citizens by parties and governments. Using CSES survey data for citizens' policy preferences and expert placements of political parties, empirical evidence is found that in economically more unequal societies, the party system represents the preferences of relatively poor citizens worse than in more equal societies. This moderating effect of economic equality is also found for policy congruence between citizens and governments, albeit slightly less clear-cut.

Estudio sobre la relación entre personalidad, actitudes socio-sexuales y tendencia de voto en estudiantes universitarios

Este trabajo se diseñó para evaluar la relación entre variantes de personalidad, actitudes sociales y actitudes hacia el sexo, con las tendencias de voto hacia los partidos políticos vascos y catalanes. Se partía de los hallazgos de Eysenck en que los extravertidos informaban de más interés por el hedonismo sexual y de mantener actitudes sexuales más duras que los introvertidos. Los resultados de este trabajo se presentan por sexos y conjuntamente, ya que existen diferencias importantes tanto en la personalidad como en las actitudes sociales y políticas de los varones y las hembras estudiadas. Los hombres son más favorables al sexo oral e impersonal, son menos conservadores, son más desinhibidos y más buscadores de sensaciones que las mujeres y tienen más curiosidad morbosa por las películas pornográficas y violentas que aquellas. Los comunistas, nacionalistas vascos y catalanes son más buscadores de sensaciones y tienen actitudes sexuales más liberales. Se comentan las interrelaciones entre las variables, así como las diferentes soluciones factoriales obtenidas a partir de las medidas psicométricas empleadas.