927 resultados para new public service


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Chlamydia trachomatis infection (chlamydia) is the most common notifiable bacterial sexually transmitted infection (STI) worldwide. In the United States of America (USA) in 2009, 1,244,180 cases of chlamydia were reported to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), the largest number of cases ever reported to CDC for any notifiable disease [1]. It has been estimated, from population prevalence surveys, that approximately 2 % of sexually active adults aged 18–44 years old in the UK [2] and 2.2 % (CI, 1.8–2.8 %) of the US population aged 14–39 years [3] are infected with chlamydia. This level of prevalence in the USA translates into an estimated 2,291,000 (95 % confidence interval, CI, 1,857,000–2,838,000) chlamydia infections each year [3]. Globally, the World Health Organization (WHO) estimates that there are about 92 million new cases of chlamydia each year [4].

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Purpose – The purpose of this article is to analyse the diversity of markets for the provision of activation services. Design/methodology/approach – The article is based on the outcomes of a project involving nine European countries. The project investigated changing forms of governance of income protection schemes and activation services for unemployed people. Diversity is investigated by focusing on five dimensions of diversity derived from the quasi‐market concept as developed by Le Grand: the purchasers, the providers, the customers, the purchaser‐provider split and the purchaser‐customer split. Findings – The paper finds considerable diversity in the design of markets for the provision of activation. Diversity is visible in all dimensions involved in the analysis. One interesting finding is that a full split between purchasers and providers hardly exists, although some countries have introduced a stricter split than others. Another finding concerns the voice and choice of service consumers, which seems hardly affected by the introduction of market mechanisms in the provision of activation. Finally, marketisation does not seem to be an irreversible project, as de‐marketisation processes were identified as well. Originality/value – Most current research into activation markets and their effects pays little attention to the issue of diversity in the design and functioning of markets. This article argues in favour of more systematic research of market diversity and of the variety of effects of various market models. Rather than comparing marketised with public service provision, a stronger focus on various market models may strengthen our insight into how service provision models affect the effectiveness of activation services.

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Social capital, a relatively new public health concept, represents the intangible resources embedded in social relationships that facilitate collective action. Current interest in the concept stems from empirical studies linking social capital with health outcomes. However, in order for social capital to function as a meaningful research variable, conceptual development aimed at refining the domains, attributes, and boundaries of the concept are needed. An existing framework of social capital (Uphoff, 2000), developed from studies in India, was selected for congruence with the inductive analysis of pilot data from a community that was unsuccessful at mobilizing collective action. This framework provided the underpinnings for a formal ethnographic research study designed to examine the components of social capital in a community that had successfully mobilized collective action. The specific aim of the ethnographic study was to examine the fittingness of Uphoff's framework in the contrasting American community. A contrasting context was purposefully selected to distinguish essential attributes of social capital from those that were specific to one community. Ethnographic data collection methods included participant observation, formal interviews, and public documents. Data was originally analyzed according to codes developed from Uphoff's theoretical framework. The results from this analysis were only partially satisfactory, indicating that the theoretical framework required refinement. The refinement of the coding system resulted in the emergence of an explanatory theory of social capital that was tested with the data collected from formal fieldwork. Although Uphoff's framework was useful, the refinement of the framework revealed, (1) trust as the dominant attribute of social capital, (2) efficacy of mutually beneficial collective action as the outcome indicator, (3) cognitive and structural domains more appropriately defined as the cultural norms of the community and group, and (4) a definition of social capital as the combination of the cognitive norms of the community and the structural norms of the group that are either constructive or destructive to the development of trust and the efficacy of mutually beneficial collective action. This explanatory framework holds increased pragmatic utility for public health practice and research. ^

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Colleges and universities’ missions are typically comprised of educating students, training professionals, engaging in scholarship and research, promoting creative activity, improving healthcare, and providing public service. Academic libraries exist to support these core functions, yet most academic libraries are organized based on library functions rather than the primary missions of their college or university. This paper describes one academic library’s attempt to align library strategy and structure with its university’s academic plan.

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This paper examines whether the voter with the median income is decisive in local spending decisions. Previous tests have relied on cross-sectional data while we make use of a pair of California referenda to estimate a first difference specification. The referenda proposed to lower the required vote share for passing local educational bonding initiatives from 67 to 50 percent and 67 to 55 percent, respectively. We find that voters rationally consider future public service decisions when deciding how to vote on voting rules, but the empirical evidence strongly suggests that an income percentile below the median is decisive for majority voting rules. This finding is consistent with high income voters with weak demand for public educational services voting with the poor against increases in public spending on education.

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This paper examines whether the voter with the median income is decisive in local spending decisions. Previous tests have relied on cross-sectional data while we make use of a pair of California referenda to estimate a first difference specification. The referenda proposed to lower the required vote share for passing local educational bonding initiatives from 67 to 50 percent and 67 to 55 percent, respectively. The jurisdiction median income appears to accurately capture the expected outcomes of majority votes on public service spending, and voters rationally consider such future public service decisions when deciding how to vote on voting rules.

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A circular metropolitan area consists of an inner city and a suburb. Households sort over the two jurisdictions based on public service levels and their costs of commuting to the metropolitan center. Using numerical simulations, we show (1) there typically exist two equilibria: one in which the poor form the majority in the inner city and the other in which the rich form the majority in the inner city; (2) there is an efficiency vs. equity trade-off as to which equilibrium is preferred; and (3) if the inner city contains only poor households, equity favors expanding the inner city to include rich households.

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El hecho social estudiado en este trabajo es lo ocurrido el 30 de Septiembre del año 2010 en Ecuador, cuando un sector de las fuerzas armadas y de la policía realizan una protesta en contra de la Ley de Servicio Público. Esta protesta fue acompañada, entre otras, por un conjunto de acciones que incluyeron la retención del presidente Rafael Correa por más de 10 horas en el hospital policial, distintos hechos delictivos en varios puntos del país, la toma del Aeropuerto de Quito, el intento de tomar los medios de comunicación públicos. Ante esto, se produjo una importante y rápida repercusión a nivel internacional y especialmente desde Latinoamérica. A lo largo del trabajo, se analizará cómo intervienen y se posicionan ante el hecho distintos actores nacionales e internacionales, políticos, sociales, culturales y económicos, lo cual permitirá reconstruir los intereses en juego, la disputa de proyectos y los conflictos de intereses latentes no sólo en Ecuador, sino en toda la región Latinoamérica. El análisis que se realiza en este trabajo se hace a partir de la construcción de una base de datos de medios gráficos argentinos (Clarín, La Nación, Página 12, Perfil), ecuatorianos (Diario Hoy, Diario Popular, El Universo, El Telégrafo) y latinoamericanos como Telesur y con un marco teórico desarrollado a partir de la bibliografía. Desde los Medios Masivos de Comunicación, así como distintos actores, fueron considerando lo ocurrido como una sublevación policial, un intento de golpe de estado o un autogolpe. Esto es lo que se reconstruirá a lo largo del trabajo

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El hecho social estudiado en este trabajo es lo ocurrido el 30 de Septiembre del año 2010 en Ecuador, cuando un sector de las fuerzas armadas y de la policía realizan una protesta en contra de la Ley de Servicio Público. Esta protesta fue acompañada, entre otras, por un conjunto de acciones que incluyeron la retención del presidente Rafael Correa por más de 10 horas en el hospital policial, distintos hechos delictivos en varios puntos del país, la toma del Aeropuerto de Quito, el intento de tomar los medios de comunicación públicos. Ante esto, se produjo una importante y rápida repercusión a nivel internacional y especialmente desde Latinoamérica. A lo largo del trabajo, se analizará cómo intervienen y se posicionan ante el hecho distintos actores nacionales e internacionales, políticos, sociales, culturales y económicos, lo cual permitirá reconstruir los intereses en juego, la disputa de proyectos y los conflictos de intereses latentes no sólo en Ecuador, sino en toda la región Latinoamérica. El análisis que se realiza en este trabajo se hace a partir de la construcción de una base de datos de medios gráficos argentinos (Clarín, La Nación, Página 12, Perfil), ecuatorianos (Diario Hoy, Diario Popular, El Universo, El Telégrafo) y latinoamericanos como Telesur y con un marco teórico desarrollado a partir de la bibliografía. Desde los Medios Masivos de Comunicación, así como distintos actores, fueron considerando lo ocurrido como una sublevación policial, un intento de golpe de estado o un autogolpe. Esto es lo que se reconstruirá a lo largo del trabajo

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El hecho social estudiado en este trabajo es lo ocurrido el 30 de Septiembre del año 2010 en Ecuador, cuando un sector de las fuerzas armadas y de la policía realizan una protesta en contra de la Ley de Servicio Público. Esta protesta fue acompañada, entre otras, por un conjunto de acciones que incluyeron la retención del presidente Rafael Correa por más de 10 horas en el hospital policial, distintos hechos delictivos en varios puntos del país, la toma del Aeropuerto de Quito, el intento de tomar los medios de comunicación públicos. Ante esto, se produjo una importante y rápida repercusión a nivel internacional y especialmente desde Latinoamérica. A lo largo del trabajo, se analizará cómo intervienen y se posicionan ante el hecho distintos actores nacionales e internacionales, políticos, sociales, culturales y económicos, lo cual permitirá reconstruir los intereses en juego, la disputa de proyectos y los conflictos de intereses latentes no sólo en Ecuador, sino en toda la región Latinoamérica. El análisis que se realiza en este trabajo se hace a partir de la construcción de una base de datos de medios gráficos argentinos (Clarín, La Nación, Página 12, Perfil), ecuatorianos (Diario Hoy, Diario Popular, El Universo, El Telégrafo) y latinoamericanos como Telesur y con un marco teórico desarrollado a partir de la bibliografía. Desde los Medios Masivos de Comunicación, así como distintos actores, fueron considerando lo ocurrido como una sublevación policial, un intento de golpe de estado o un autogolpe. Esto es lo que se reconstruirá a lo largo del trabajo

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This paper aims to capture the changing features of local SOEs under the national SOE restructuring program in the 2000s. The national policy on SOE reform in this phase had an effect of considerably clarifying and narrowing down the raison d'être of SOEs, which has been put into practice at the local level through provincial master plans. Consequently, some signs of an important change are observed: the structure of the local SOE sector is being standardized to a certain extent, and the remaining local SOEs are becoming more geared to the needs of a market economy. This trend would have far-reaching implications for the policy implementation and public service delivery by localities, which in turn would affect the long-term development of non-state sectors.