985 resultados para Soviet Linguistics- Linguistic Politics -Phonology - Alphabets - Script Reforms
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Public servant wages represent a significant part of Brazilian state governments' current expenses. Based on the literature, this paper has tried to identify which states practice efficient, compensatory or appropriation wage politics through the estimation of public-private wage differentials. The differential of salaries was calculated between 1995 and 2004 following the Oaxaca's technique. The results show that the wage policy of an important number of states has had efficiency and a numerous part of the North and the Northeast states have developed compensatory politics. The Federal District and Roraima practiced a wage policy characterized by explicit appropriation.
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The State and the economy in South Korea: from the developmentist state to the Asian crisis and later recovery. The article focuses on the institutions of South Korean capitalism and on the interactions between the state and the economy. The economic model in South Korea was characterized by a very interventionist state, which played a very active role in the process of industrialization. However, South Korea suffered a severe crisis in 1997, attributed by many authors to the distortions inherent to strong state intervention. The article shows that the crisis was a result of the combination between internal economic fragilities and a rapid process of financial deregulation, which undermined the state's capacity of control. The crisis, nevertheless, does not disqualify the role of the national institutions in the very successful process of industrialization. Despite the reforms, the Korean capitalism conserves much of the previous model of business organization and industrial relations. The state continues strong and played active role in the process of economic reforms. There are, nevertheless, doubts about the impacts of the reforms and the new configuration of Korean capitalism. They will depend on the current transformations in world economy and in the East Asian countries.
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Foreign direct investment flow, competitiveness and technological structure of foreign trade in China in the beginning of the 21st century. China's government introduced open market reforms in 1979, mediated by industrial policies improving the ability of attracting higher quality FDI (Foreign Direct Investment), which helped China's economy developing its technological capabilities. As a result, China's share in international trade rose impressively becoming third-largest trading nation in the world, by 2004, also its export structure is significantly more sophisticated. Facing the importance of understanding the determinants of developing word specialization patterns, this paper focuses on the competitiveness and technological structure of exports and imports by China for 1994-1998 and 2001-2005.
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Addressing rural development discussions in Brazil: context and issues of debate. The work analyzes the main theoretical trends and subjects that integrate the recent Brazilian debate about rural development. We agued that the agenda of the rural development in Brazil, on which actively participate scholars, organizations and institutions, have been formulated by the State and the public politics implemented since the beginning of the 1990. Among the factors that had influenced the emergency of the debate about rural development is distinguished the increasing social and political legitimating of family farming and the agrarian reform, the reorientation of the state policies, the increasing sharply political and ideological quarrels with the agribusiness wing and the matters about sustainability. It is also argued that the analytical and interpretative references that have being used by the scholars are still diffuse and varied, but has been capable to influence the policy makers.
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Capital-labor relations in the knowledge economy. The knowledge economy arises by the promotion of abstract and cooperative labor. This social labor is a product of intellectual and linguistic energy, which leads to mutations about capital accumulation and capital labor relations.
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The global economic crisis has created an opportunity to rethink macroeconomics for development. Such rethinking is both necessary and desirable. It is essential to redefine macroeconomic objectives so that the emphasis is on fostering employment creation and supporting economic growth instead of the focus on price stability alone. It is just as important to rethink macroeconomic policies which cannot simply be used for the management of inflation and the elimination of macroeconomic imbalances, since fiscal and monetary policies are powerful and versatile instruments in the pursuit of development objectives. In doing so, it is essential to the overcome the constraints embedded in orthodox economic thinking and recognize the constraints implicit in the politics of ideology and interests.
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The hypothesis of fast growth. New arguments. After the 1981-2003 quasi-stagnation, the Brazilian economy signals that it is back to fast growth. The aborted growth spurts in this period accumulated an expansion potential that is now emerging. The growth frustration was particularly significant in the case of the growth surge beginning in 1999, as an outcome of the large 1999 depreciation of the real and the substantial 1990s increase of productivity. Now this repressed growth is being spontaneously liberated. It may be additionally liberated by adequate economic policies. Improvements in macroeconomic policy and the implementation of mini micro reforms are consistent with this incremental approach.
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Democracy and efficiency: hard relations between politics and economy. Many economists see politics as an irrational activity. They also think state action usually generates market inefficiencies and democratic institutions, such as elections, often work as obstacles to sound economic measures. Showing that vision has been embedded into the main currents of economic thought since the last century, we also argue those ideas are exported to great part of contemporary political science, including the area of public policies. Examining the literature, we show that rational choice political scientists, as the economists, claim governability and effective decisions will be guaranteed mainly through concentrated arenas or through insulated arrangements able to protect policy makers from political interference. In other words, governability depends on the reduction of the political arenas. On the contrary, we reject this technocratic solution of splitting politics from economy. With the support of classical pluralist thinkers, we stand another conception, arguing politics is the privileged social space for building interests and values in an institutionalized way. The difficulties to surpass current international crises since 2008 reveal this is a crucial problem: reducing politics would prevent societies from improving institutional solutions which are the only ones able to give space to emerging conflicts and, then, reach eventual consensus around them.
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Germany's socio-economic model, the "social market economy", was established in West Germany after World War II and extended to the unified Germany in 1990. During a prolonged recession after the adoption of the Euro in 1998, major reforms (Agenda 2010) were introduced which many consider as the key of Germany's recent success. The reforms had mixed results: employment increased but has consisted to a large extent of precarious low-wage jobs. Growth depended on export surpluses based on an internal real devaluation (low unit labour costs) which make Germany vulnerable to global recessions as in 2009. Overall inequality increased substantially.
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The politics of intergovernmental transfers in Brazil. This article examines the political economy of public resources distribution in Brazil's federal system in 1985-2004. We propose an empirical exercise to analyze how the country's federal governments deal with the tradeoff between the provision of material wellbeing to sub-national governments (the states in our study) and the pursuit of political support from the latter. To identify the determinants of the transfer of resources from the federal government to the states, a set of economic, political, and institutional variables is econometrically tested. Based upon instrumental variables estimation for panel-data models, our estimates indicate that in Brazil the pursuit of political goals prevails over social equity and economic efficiency criteria: higher levels of per capita transfers are associated with the political makeup of governing coalitions, while larger investments in infrastructure and development by the states are associated with a lower amount of per capita resources transferred to sub-national governments. Our findings also suggest a trend toward the freezing of interregional inequalities in Brazil, and show the relevance of fiscal discipline laws in discouraging the use of the administrative apparatus for electioneering.
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Consolidated democracy and size of the State. Common sense suggests that the more consolidated democracies and advanced economies tend to be more efficient and produce smaller States. What is observed in practice, however, is a positive correlation between "democratic consolidation" and "tax burden" (as a proxy for"size of Government"). This finding, while not expressing any causal relationship between the two variables, is an evidence that a more republican and democratic State, as defined in Bresser-Pereira, must be able to provide, effectively and efficiently, broader public services with better quality. This is, in consolidated democracies, the State should not be small.
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This paper analyses reasons of the instability of the world monetary system. The author considers this problem from historical and contemporary perspectives. According to presented point of view banknotes and electronic money which replaced gold and silver coins in popular circulation are the most important reason of the instability. There are also proven positive and negative consequences of money instability. Reforms of the world monetary system need agreement within the global collective hegemony of state-powers and transnational corporations.
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This article analyses the relationship between state policies and economy in Argentina 1991-2001. In 1991 the currency board regime named 'convertibility' was implemented, within the framework of important neoliberal reforms introduced by the State. These neoliberal reforms facilitated capitalist restructuring, characterized by a leap in productivity, investment and profits. Likewise, these reforms generated imbalances which, along with the changes in the world market conditions from 1998, led to the deepest crisis in Argentina's history. The inefficiency of state neoliberal policies in managing the crisis, based on fiscal adjustment to guarantee the continuity of external financing, led to an economic depression and a financial crash, sparking a mass rebellion and the end of convertibility.
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In August 2010 Brazil decided to limit foreign direct investments (FDIs) in land, and attracted the attention of politicians as much as the fears of businessmen. However, few months before, in September 2009, it had concluded a trilateral agreement with Japan and Mozambique to implement agribusiness and contract farming on an area of ten million hectares in the Mozambican region of Nacala. In light of that, the paper analyses the apparent duality of the Brazilian politics, and concludes that, exactly like in the case of the novel by Robert Louis Stevenson, it is not a matter of pathology, but a voluntarily induced double personality which is strategic in positioning Brazil at the core of the global capitalist system.
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ABSTRACTThe gathering momentum of globalization in the world economy has coincided with the spread of political democracy across countries. Economies have become global. But politics remains national. This essay explores the relationship between globalization and democracy, which is neither linear nor characterized by structural rigidities. It seeks to analyze how globalization might constrain degrees of freedom for nation states and space for democratic politics, and how political democracy within countries might exercise some checks and balances on markets and globalization. The essential argument is that the relationship between globalization and democracy is dialectical and does not conform to ideological caricatures.