Die psychologische Kampfführung

Nach dem Ende des Zweiten Weltkriegs wurden auf dem Gebiet der Bundesrepublik Deutschland zahlreiche Organisationen gegründet, die es sich zur Aufgabe machten, auf die Meinungsbildung im Osten und Westen Einfluss zu nehmen. Dazu zählte von 1957 bis 1990 die Psychologische Kampfführung / Psychologische Verteidigung der Bundeswehr (PSK/PSV). Ihr primäres Ziel war es, das Staats- und Gesellschaftssystem der Bundesrepublik nach innen und außen zu konsolidieren. Der Dissertationsschrift liegt ein interdisziplinärer Ansatz zugrunde: Zum einen wird die PSK/PSV im Kontext der Propagandageschichte und -theorie dargestellt und untersucht – von diesem Standpunkt aus betrachtet handelt es sich um eine publizistikwissenschaftliche Untersuchung. Zum anderen wird die Wirklichkeit der PSK/PSV mit erziehungswissenschaftlichen Begriffen beschrieben, analysiert und unter pädagogischen Gesichtspunkten diskutiert – aus dieser Sichtweise liegt hier eine erziehungswissenschaftliche Untersuchung vor. Die PSK/PSV stand historisch betrachtet keineswegs im wertfreien Raum. Vor allem die Ausprägungen von Propaganda im Dritten Reich – aber auch in der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik – spielten für die PSK/PSV eine bedeutende Rolle. Sie waren gewissermaßen stets zu meidende (politische) rechte und linke Grenze in dem Unterfangen, eine eigene Form von Propaganda zu entwickeln und zu betreiben. Die PSK/PSV wirkte unter politischer Zielsetzung auf Einstellungen und Verhalten von Personen beiderseits des Eisernen Vorhangs ein. Ihre Aktivitäten weisen in auffälliger Weise Schnittmengen zu Feldern der Erziehung auf. Die unterschiedlichen pädagogischen Programme und Strategien der vier PSK/PSV-Bereiche – (1) Lehr- und Forschungsstätten, (2) PSK/PSV-Truppe, (3) Deutsche Gesellschaft für Sozialbeziehungen e.V. und (4) Studiengesellschaft für Zeitprobleme e.V. – werden in der Dissertationsschrift dargestellt, analysiert und bewertet. In den Schlussbetrachtungen wird unter pädagogischen Gesichtspunkten diskutiert, ob der in Presse und Politik geäußerte Vorwurf einer Nähe der PSK/PSV zur Propaganda und Erziehung im Dritten Reich haltbar ist.

Italia e Francia nell'Ungheria di Trianon (1919-1939): due modelli di penetrazione politico-culturale

Italy and France in Trianon’s Hungary: two political and cultural penetration models During the first post-war, the Danubian Europe was the theatre of an Italian-French diplomatic challenge to gain hegemony in that part of the continent. Because of his geographical position, Hungary had a decisive strategic importance for the ambitions of French and Italian foreign politics. Since in the 1920s culture and propaganda became the fourth dimension of international relations, Rome and Paris developed their diplomatic action in Hungary to affirm not only political and economic influence, but also cultural supremacy. In the 1930, after Hitler’s rise to power, the unstoppable comeback of German political influence in central-eastern Europe determined the progressive decline of Italian and French political and economic positions in Hungary: only the cultural field allowed a survey of Italian-Hungarian and French-Hungarian relations in the contest of a Europe dominated by Nazi Germany during the Second World War. Nevertheless, the radical geopolitical changes in second post-war Europe did not compromise Italian and French cultural presence in the new communist Hungary. Although cultural diplomacy is originally motivated by contingent political targets, it doesn’t respect the short time of politics, but it’s the only foreign politics tool that guarantees preservations of bilateral relations in the long run.

L’iconografia dell’imperatore alato nel contesto della teologia politica bizantina

La presente ricerca di dottorato si propone di esaminare l’evoluzione della teologia politica bizantina e dei suoi riflessi nella propaganda imperiale nel periodo compreso tra il XIII e il XIV secolo, attraverso lo studio delle manifestazioni dell'ideologia nell'iconografia e nella numismatica del periodo in esame. L'intreccio interdisciplinare di questi ambiti di ricerca, iconografia e numismatica - con una metodologia innovativa, i cui risultati si profilano estremamente proficui - permette di comprendere i caratteri concreti, ma forse più reconditi, del realizzarsi dell'ideologia politica e della propaganda imperiale nell'impero bizantino ormai ridotto ad una costellazione di potentati particolari di estensione limitata. Il tema specifico di questo studio ha come oggetto alcune iconografie ritenute inedite, o meno tradizionali, nel panorama numismatico bizantino, emesse, in particolare, dalla zecca di Tessalonica tra XIII e XIV secolo, che vengono qui esaminate in funzione dell’evoluzione della rappresentazione imperiale. Tra di esse emerge l’inedita iconografia dell’imperatore pteroforo per la sua valenza di interscambiabilità semantica con l’immagine arcangelica. Lo studio si è proposto l’obiettivo principale di rintracciare elementi iconologici quanto più possibile comuni tra tutti i soggetti iconografici presi in esame, vagliando il substrato ideologico e propagandistico sotteso alla valenza iconologica per ogni tipologia numismatica.

Buchbesprechung im politischen Kontext des Nationalsozialismus

Die vorliegende Arbeit analysiert das Buchbesprechungswesen in seiner Entwicklung unter nationalsozialistischem Einfluss, beginnend mit der ‚Kampfzeit‘ der ‚Bewegung‘, nach Veröffentlichung der programmatischen weltanschaulichen Ziele, und fortgesetzt nach der Machtübernahme 1933, nunmehr unter den Bedingungen totalitärer Herrschaft. Im ersten der beiden Hauptteile der Arbeit wird an charakteristischen Beispielen gezeigt, wie die extreme Rechte in der Weimarer Republik danach trachtete, die Funktion der Buchbesprechung in Richtung einer gesinnungsmäßigen Bevormundung der Leser zu verändern. Unter Ausnutzung systembedingter Schwachstellen und durch Verstärkung vorhandener Ressentiments in der Bevölkerung wurde ein geistiger Erosionsprozeß der Öffentlichkeit in Gang gesetzt. Das engte die freie Kommunikation fortschreitend ein. Der zweite Hauptteil behandelt die nach 1933 einsetzende Schaffung rechtlicher Grundlagen für die Ausschaltung aller ‚Nichtarier‘ und die geistige Gleichschaltung und weltanschauliche Indoktrinierung der Kulturschaffenden, einschließlich deren Überwachung durch gezielt dazu eingerichtete Organisationen. Besonderes Augenmerk gilt dabei dem für die Massenbeeinflussung neugebildeten Reichsministerium für Volksaufklärung und Propaganda. Goebbels veranlasste eine stark reglementierende stufenweise Neuordnung des Buchbesprechungswesens zur umfassenden Lenkung und Kontrolle von Rezensenten, Verlegern und Schriftleitern. Die Reglementierung gipfelte in dem am 1.7.1937 in Kraft getretenen Verbot der Kunstkritik. Kritische Rezensionen und Diskussionen waren unerwünscht und sollten auf diese Weise endgültig verhindert werden, ganz im Sinne der von Hitler in Mein Kampf postulierten Absichten. Die Folgen dieses Kritikverbots waren zunehmendes Schweigen, Zurückweichen und Unsicherheit bei Kulturvermittlern und Lesern. Die verheißene Erneuerung des Rezensionswesens blieb ebenso Trugbild wie die ersehnten NS-Literaturschöpfungen. Die vorliegende Arbeit weist exemplarisch nach, wie im komplexen Prozeß von Demokratieverfall und Diktatur die ursprüngliche Funktion der Buchbesprechung durch Reduzierung und Ausrichtung auf eine politisch-ideologische Lenkungsfunktion ausgehöhlt und entwertet wurde.

Studi su Cimone. Saggio di storia greca, ca. 478-461 a.C.

La monografia propone un’analisi del periodo ca. 478-461 a.C. della storia ateniese e delle vicende di Cimone figlio di Milziade entro il contesto contemporaneo. Lo studio dell’Atene, e più in generale di varie realtà elleniche affacciate sull’Egeo, negli immediati anni ‘post-persiani’ si articola in due parti: la prima ripercorre in senso cronologico le notizie, essenzialmente letterarie, disponibili in merito alle attività politiche e militari di Atene, quale guida dell’alleanza greca; la seconda trae conclusioni di respiro più ampio, fondate sull’analisi precedente, e cerca una sintesi del periodo e del personaggio nel superamento di stereotipi e condizionamenti letterari. In tale ottica si esprime una riflessione, a partire dalla scarna trattazione tucididea, sui meccanismi attraverso i quali la tradizione ha deformato e sedimentato le informazioni disponibili generando un progressivo arricchimento che ha portato alla definizione, di fatto, di una ‘era cimoniana’ che è possibile mettere in discussione in alcuni tratti essenziali. Si mira dunque a proporre una valutazione del periodo priva di alcuni elementi, in ultimo evidenti soprattutto nell’approccio plutarcheo alla materia, che appaiono alieni al contesto di riferimento per la prima parte del V secolo: i temi principali ai quali si dedica la riflessione sono quelli dell’imperialismo ateniese, del filolaconismo, della bipolarità tra democrazia e oligarchia, della propaganda politico-mitologica. Il rapporto di Atene con Sparta, con gli Ioni e con le altre realtà del mondo egeo viene letto alla luce degli indizi disponibili sul clima di incertezza e di delicati equilibri creatosi all’indomani della ritirata delle forze persiane. Il ritratto di Cimone che si propone è quello di una figura indubbiamente significativa nella politica contemporanea ma, al contempo, fortemente condizionata e talora adombrata da dinamiche in qualche modo condivise all’interno dello scenario politico ateniese, improntato alla soddisfazione di necessità e volontà che la tradizione renderà archetipiche del paradigma democratico.

Literature in Bosnia and Hercegovina till 19th Century in South Slav Context

Mr. Gajevic traced the development of literacy and literature in Bosnia and Herzegovina from the 12th to the 19th in relation to other south Slavic literatures and civilisations, studying their interrelations, links and influences. From the 12th to the 15th centuries, literature in this area developed under strong influence from the neighbouring South Slavic countries, which were directly connected with more developed foreign cultures and civilisations. The literatures of these countries had differing religious and cultural backgrounds, some developing under Byzantine and Orthodox influence and others as a part of Latin civilisation and the Catholic religion. This led to different and sometimes contradictory literary, religious and other influences on Bosnia and Herzegovina, making spiritual and religious unity for the country virtually impossible. Under the influence of the Bosnian state and church, however, there were signs of a search for compromise, leading to some mixing of the difference traditions. Following the Turkish conquest, however, three denominational communities (Orthodox, Catholic and Muslim) developed in Bosnia and Herzegovina and this became the general framework for life, including literature. This led to three separate literary traditions - Serb-Orthodox, Croat-Catholic and Bosniac-Islamic. This internal disintegration of Bosnian literature did however facilitate the process of integration of some of its denominational traditions with similar traditions in other countries. The third aspect considered in the research was the genesis and expansion of vernacular and folk literature from Bosnia and Herzegovina throughout the South Slavic areas and its contribution to the language and literature integration of four peoples - Serbs, Croats, Bosniacs and Montenegrins. Of special interest here were the aspirations of the Catholic church to establish the Bosnian language as the common South Slavic literary language for its religious and propaganda activities, and the contribution of Vuk Stefanovic Karadzic to the effort to establish the "Bosnian language" as the common literary language of the South Slavic peoples.

The Permanent Income Hypothesis: A Test on Czech Privatisation

Since the late eighties, economists have been regarding the transition from command to market economies in Central and Eastern Europe with intense interest. In addition to studying the transition per se, they have begun using the region as a testing ground on which to investigate the validity of certain classic economic propositions. In his research, comprising three articles written in English and totalling 40 pages, Mr. Hanousek uses the so-called "Czech national experiment" (voucher privatisation scheme) to test the permanent income hypothesis (PIH). He took as his inspiration Kreinin's recommendation: "Since data concerning the behaviour of windfall income recipients is relatively scanty, and since such data can constitute an important test of the permanent income hypothesis, it is of interest to bring to bear on the hypothesis whatever information is available". Mr. Hanousek argues that, since the transfer of property to Czech citizens from 1992 to 1994 through the voucher scheme was not anticipated, it can be regarded as windfall income. The average size of the windfall was more than three month's salary and over 60 percent of the Czech population received this unexpected income. Furthermore, there are other reasons for conducting such an analysis in the Czech Republic. Firstly, the privatisation process took place quickly. Secondly, both the economy and consumer behaviour have been very stable. Thirdly, out of a total population of 10 million Czech citizens, an astonishing 6 million, that is, virtually every household, participated in the scheme. Thus Czech voucher privatisation provides a sample for testing the PIH almost equivalent to a full population, thus avoiding problems with the distribution of windfalls. Compare this, for instance with the fact that only 4% of the Israeli urban population received personal restitution from Germany, while the number of veterans who received the National Service Life Insurance Dividends amounted to less than 9% of the US population and were concentrated in certain age groups. But to begin with, Mr. Hanousek considers the question of whether the public percieves the transfer from the state to individual as an increase in net wealth. It can be argued that the state is only divesting itself of assets that would otherwise provide a future source of transfers. According to this argument, assigning these assets to individuals creates an offsetting change in the present value of potential future transfers so that individuals are no better off after the transfer. Mr. Hanousek disagrees with this approach. He points out that a change in the ownership of inefficient state-owned enterprises should lead to higher efficiency, which alone increases the value of enterprises and creates a windfall increase in citizens' portfolios. More importantly, the state and individuals had very different preferences during the transition. Despite government propaganda, it is doubtful that citizens of former communist countries viewed government-owned enterprises as being operated in the citizens' best interest. Moreover, it is unlikely that the public fully comprehended the sophisticated links between the state budget, state-owned enterprises, and transfers to individuals. Finally, the transfers were not equal across the population. Mr. Hanousek conducted a survey on 1263 individuals, dividing them into four monthly earnings categories. After determining whether the respondent had participated in the voucher process, he asked those who had how much of what they received from voucher privatisation had been (a) spent on goods and services, (b) invested elsewhere, (c) transferred to newly emerging pension funds, (d) given to a family member, and (e) retained in their original form as an investment. Both the mean and the variance of the windfall rise with income. He obtained similar results with respect to education, where the mean (median) windfall for those with a basic school education was 13,600 Czech Crowns (CZK), a figure that increased to 15,000 CZK for those with a high school education without exams, 19,900 CZK for high school graduates with exams, and 24,600 CZK for university graduates. Mr. Hanousek concludes that it can be argued that higher income (and better educated) groups allocated their vouchers or timed the disposition of their shares better. He turns next to an analysis of how respondents reported using their windfalls. The key result is that only a relatively small number of individuals reported spending on goods. Overall, the results provide strong support for the permanent income hypothesis, the only apparent deviation being the fact that both men and women aged 26 to 35 apparently consume more than they should if the windfall were annuitised. This finding is still fully consistent with the PIH, however, if this group is at a stage in their life-cycle where, without the windfall, they would be borrowing to finance consumption associated with family formation etc. Indeed, the PIH predicts that individuals who would otherwise borrow to finance consumption would consume the windfall up to the level equal to the annuitised fraction of the increase in lifetime income plus the full amount of the previously planned borrowing for consumption. Greater consumption would then be financed, not from investing the windfall, but from avoidance of future repayment obligations for debts that would have been incurred without the windfall.

The Representation of Motherhood in Polish Cinema

The project aimed to analyse representations of motherhood in Polish cinema as a special case of a more general system within the representation of women. It concentrated on the image of the Polish Mother created during the 19th century in Polish culture under the influence of specific political, social and religious factors. Ms. Ostrowska's initial hypothesis was that this symbolic image became one of the most stable elements in Polish cinema and as her research revealed, it was valuable for the preservation of national identity but nevertheless a fiercely constraining model for Polish femininity. In order to fully understand the nature of this persistent image it was initially necessary to related it to broader contexts and issues in representation. These included the image of the Polish Mother within general mythological structures (using the notion of myth in the Barthesian sense). Following her initial research Ms. Ostrowska felt that it was most appropriate to view the myth of the Polish Mother as a dominant ideological structure in the discourse of motherhood within Polish culture. An analysis of the myth of the Polish Mother can provide an insight into how Polish society sees itself at different periods in time and how a national identity was constructed in relation to particular ideological demands stemming from concrete historical and political situations. The analysis of the film version of this myth also revealed some aspects of the national character of Polish cinema. There the image of woman has become enshrined as the "eternal feminine", with virtues which are inevitably derived directly from Catholicism, particularly in relation to the networks of meanings around the central figure of Mary, Mother of God. In 19th century Poland these were linked with patriotic values and images of woman became part of the defence of the very idea of Poland and Polishness. After World War Two, this religious-political image system was adapted to the demands of the new communist ideology. The possibility of manipulating the ideological dimensions of the myth of the Polish Mother is due to the very nature of the image, which as a symbol of civil religion had been able to function independently of any particular state or church institution. Although in communist ideology the stress was on the patriotic aspect of the myth, its pronounced religious aspect was also transmitted, consciously or not, in the denotation process, this being of great significance in the viewer's response to the female character. This appropriation of elements derived from the national patriotic tradition into the discourse of communist ideology was a very efficient strategy to establish the illusion of continuity in national existence, which was supposed to convince society of the rightness of the new political situation. The analysis of films made in the post-war period showed the persistence of this discourse on motherhood in a range of cinematic texts regardless of the changing political situation. Ms. Ostrowska claims that the stability of this discursive formation is to a certain extent the result of the mythological aspect of the mother figure. This mythological structure also belongs to the ideology of Romanticism which in general continues to prevail in Polish cultural discourse as a meta-language of national community. The analysis of the films confirmed the hypothesis of the Polish Mother as a myth-sign whose signifier is stable whereas the signified depends on the specific historical conditions in which it is set. Therefore in the famous propaganda documentary Kobiety naszych dni (Women of Our Days, 1951) by Jan Zelnik, and in other films made after the October 1956 "thaw" it functions as an "empty sign. She concludes that it would be difficult to deny that the myth of the Polish Mother has offered Polish women a special role in national life, granting them a high moral position in the social, hierarchy. However the processes of idealisation involved have resulted in a deprivation of her subjectivity and the right to decide about her own life. This idealisation also served to strengthen traditional patriarchal structures through this set of female obligations to the mother land. In Polish ideology it is not a man who demands sacrifice from a woman but the motherland, which, deprived of the institutions of male power for nearly 150 years, had functioned as a feminine structure. That is why oppressive aspects of the myth have been obscured for so long. While Polish women were doubtless able to accept the constrictions because of their sense of national duty and any misgivings were overridden by the argument of the cause, it is important to recognise that the strength of these constructions, compounded by the ways in which they spoke of and continue to speak of a certain perfection, make them persist into contemporary Poland. Poland is however no longer embattled and the signs that made these meanings are potentially empty. This space for meaning will be and is already being contested and increasingly colonised by current western models of femininity. Ms. Ostrowska's final question is whether this will help to prevent a possible resentful victimisation of the silent and noble Polish Mother.

Russian Writers and the Third Section

The Third Section was an instrument not so much of oppression as of information, propaganda and education. Under Nicholas I, the press did not represent public opinion, but rather the official point of view. It was intended to shape public opinion rather than to express it and much of the Third Section's activity focused on creating the best possible contacts with journalists and men of letters. The Third Section supervised literary activities by examining works in print and collecting information through its agents. It rewarded those authors whose work was approved by the emperor, it used writers to pursue its goals, especially in order to "direct minds", but acted as a mediator between the tsar, censors and writers, or sometimes as arbiter in conflicts between writers themselves, and it also acted as a censor. Writers, for their part, served in the Third Section, becoming its agents or consultants, delivering reports to it and writing texts commissioned by the Section. The majority of writers did not see any problems with serving or assisting the Third Section. Ideologies offering an alternative to state monarchism /in professional literature or individual liberalism/ were very weak. The only exception was a small group, mostly composed of eminent and highly educated aristocrats who possessed alternative moral and financial resources. Reitblat showed that the strong ties maintained by some journalists and writers with the Third Section were not unfortunate exceptions due to the low moral qualities of those individuals, but rather a natural phenomenon which reflected the specific nature of the Russian literary system and, more generally, of Russian society as a whole.

Architektura a ideologie. Výchovné instituce Adolfa Hitlera v protektorátu Čechy a Morava a v Říšské župě Sudety

This article examines the architecture of the Nazi regime in two occupied cities of Czechoslovakia, Praha/Prag and Jihlava/Iglau (the latter being one of the traditionally German-speaking island in the bohemia country), and focuses specifically on the process by which Hitler youth organisations (Hitlerjugend) in case of ‘education’ and indoctrination of youth were or were not successfully established in these cities. As comparison, he takes the political-administrative centres of the Sudeten Reichsgau, Ústí/Aussig, Opava/Troppau, Karlovy Vary/Karlsbad and Liberec/Reichenberg. Drawing on Czech and German archive materials, the extensive body of modern analytical literature, and propagandist literature from the period studied, the author examines the extent to which architecture served as a projection screen for Fascist propaganda in the Occupied Eastern territories. He describes the role played by the Reichsstelle für Raumordnung and shows how the Reich’s propagandist objectives came to be reflected in a high specific typology and stylistic lexicon/configuration for the architecture of Hitler youth hostels and homes He examines the process by which these organisations were powerful implanted into the space of occupied Czechoslovakia (and Sudeten) too, a topic that has not yet been addressed in (art) history too. The building projects developed for the Protectorate (published here for the first time) and managed by the Reich’s Hitler Youth Leadership in Berlin (Kulturamt, Reichsjugendführung, RJF, Abteilung HJ) reveal the ties that existed between the construction authorities in the Reich and the Protectorate, including the Planning Committee for the City of Prague. The author asks how many German and Czech architects participated for their own profit in the Nazi system, and for future research raises the hitherto taboo question of guilt and collaboration with the Nazis and the perception of this phenomenon in art history, i.e. the measure of active cooperation of not just German but also Czech architects who contributed to the planning and implementation of projects and thereby unequivocally had a hand in consolidating the totalitarian regime and de facto in the forced „Germanification” of their own people under occupation.

Judenhass : eine Anthologie

hrsg. von der Arbeitsgemeinschaft f. kulturelle Propaganda "Prometheus"

Taking the Shilling: Songs of and about World War 1

A performance lecture exploring a) contemporary music hall songs as a means of propaganda, recruitment and later criticism, b) the folk songs originating from among the soldiers, based on music hall, hymn and children's song tunes, and c) songs written about World War 1 by songwriters of the sixties and seventies in the critical vein inspired amongst others by the Vietnam War.

Tres primas Alphabeti literas complectens ʾ, B, G

Fehler bei Seitenzählung 532=552; 543=553; 544=554

Sex literas D, H, W, Z, Ḥ, Ṭ complectens

S. 698 und 699 und S. 574-577 fehlen auch in der gedruckten Ausg.