990 resultados para Napoleon I, emperor of the French, 1769-1821
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Mode of access: Internet.
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List of books: vol. I, p. [xcviii]-xcix.
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We aspire to shape the Constantine’s personality in particular by analyzing his loving relationship, first with Minervina and then with Fausta, and not forgetting the bond with his mother Helena, hence the reference to uxor, mater and concubina in our title. We will analyze if these women exercised any influence on the composition of his production rules and, if so, to what extent they were able to determine the historical development of the following decades. From this point of view we must consider in general the emperor had to combine their political claims and government with these relationships, showing great skill in handling times and ways, always putting the first to the second.
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OBJECTIVE: Tuberculosis (TB) is highly prevalent among HIV-infected people, including those receiving combination antiretroviral therapy (cART), necessitating a well tolerated and efficacious TB vaccine for these populations. We evaluated the safety and immunogenicity of the candidate TB vaccine M72/AS01 in adults with well controlled HIV infection on cART. DESIGN: A randomized, observer-blind, controlled trial (NCT00707967). METHODS: HIV-infected adults on cART in Switzerland were randomized 3 : 1 : 1 to receive two doses, 1 month apart, of M72/AS01, AS01 or 0.9% physiological saline (N = 22, N = 8 and N = 7, respectively) and were followed up to 6 months postdose 2 (D210). Individuals with CD4⁺ cell counts below 200 cells/μl were excluded. Adverse events (AEs) including HIV-specific and laboratory safety parameters were recorded. Cell-mediated (ICS) and humoral (ELISA) responses were evaluated before vaccination, 1 month after each dose (D30, D60) and D210. RESULTS: Thirty-seven individuals [interquartile range (IQR) CD4⁺ cell counts at screening: 438-872 cells/μl; undetectable HIV-1 viremia] were enrolled; 73% of individuals reported previous BCG vaccination, 97.3% tested negative for the QuantiFERON-TB assay. For M72/AS01 recipients, no vaccine-related serious AEs or cART-regimen adjustments were recorded, and there were no clinically relevant effects on laboratory safety parameters, HIV-1 viral loads or CD4⁺ cell counts. M72/AS01 was immunogenic, inducing persistent and polyfunctional M72-specific CD4⁺ T-cell responses [medians 0.70% (IQR 0.37-1.07) at D60] and 0.42% (0.24-0.61) at D210, predominantly CD40L⁺IL-2⁺TNF-α⁺, CD40L⁺IL-2⁺ and CD40L⁺IL-2⁺TNF-α⁺IFN-γ⁺]. All M72/AS01 vaccines were seropositive for anti-M72 IgG after second vaccination until study end. CONCLUSION: M72/AS01 was clinically well tolerated and immunogenic in this population, supporting further clinical evaluation in HIV-infected individuals in TB-endemic settings.
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The purpose of this study was to evaluate the factor structure and the reliability of the French versions of the Identity Style Inventory (ISI-3) and the Utrecht-Management of Identity Commitments Scale (U-MICS) in a sample of college students (N = 457, 18 to 25 years old). Confirmatory factor analyses confirmed the hypothesized three-factor solution of the ISI-3 identity styles (i.e. informational, normative, and diffuse-avoidant styles), the one-factor solution of the ISI-3 identity commitment, and the three-factor structure of the U-MICS (i.e. commitment, in-depth exploration, and reconsideration of commitment). Additionally, theoretically consistent and meaningful associations among the ISI-3, U-MICS, and Ego Identity Process Questionnaire (EIPQ) confirmed convergent validity. Overall, the results of the present study indicate that the French versions of the ISI-3 and UMICS are useful instruments for assessing identity styles and processes, and provide additional support to the cross-cultural validity of these tools.
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The Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children-fourth edition (i.e. WISC-IV) recognizes a four-factor scoring structure in addition to the Full Scale IQ (FSIQ) score: Verbal Comprehension (VCI), Perceptual Reasoning (PRI), Working Memory (WMI), and Processing Speed (PSI) indices. However, several authors suggested that models based on the Cattell-Horn-Carroll (CHC) theory with 5 or 6 factors provided a better fit to the data than does the current four-factor solution. By comparing the current four-factor structure to CHC-based models, this research aimed to investigate the factorial structure and the constructs underlying the WISC-IV subtest scores with French-speaking Swiss children (N = 249). To deal with this goal, confirmatory factor analyses (CFAs) were conducted. Results showed that a CHC-based model with five factors better fitted the French-Swiss data than did the current WISC-IV scoring structure. All together, these results support the hypothesis of the appropriateness of the CHC model with French-speaking children.
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In this paper we present first results of the study of planktonic Foraminifera, large benthic Foraminifera and carbonate facies of La Désirade, aiming at a definition of the age and depositional environments of the Neogene carbonates of this island. The study of planktonic Foraminifera from the Detrital Offshore Limestones (DOL) of the Anciènne Carrière allows to constrain the biochronology of this formation to the lower Zone N19 and indicates a latest Miocene to early Pliocene (5.48 - 4.52 Ma) age. Large benthic Foraminifera were studied both as isolated and often naturally split specimens from the DOL, and in thin sections of limestones from the DOL and the Limestone Table (LT). The assemblages of Foraminifera include Nummulitidae, Amphisteginidae, Asterigerinidae, Peneroplidae, Soritidae, Rotalidae (Globigerinidae: Globigerinoides, Sphaeroidenellopsis, Orbulina) and incrusting Foraminifera (Homotrema and Sporadotrema). The genera Amphistegina, Archaias and Operculina are discussed. Concerning the Nummulitidae we include both "Paraspiroclypeus" chawneri and "Nummulites" cojimarensis, as well as a newly described species, Operculina desiradensis new species, in the genus Operculina, because the differences between these 3 species are rather on the specific than the generic level, while their morphology, studied by SEM, is compatible with the definition of the genus Operculina (D'Orbigny1826, emend. Hottinger 1977). The three species can be easily distinguished on the basis of their differences in spiral growth: while O. desiradensis has an overall logarithmic spiral growth, O. cojimarensis and especially O. chawneri show a tighter and more geometric spiral growth. O. cojimarensis and O. chawneri were originally described from Cuba in outcrops originally dated as Oligocene and later redated as early Pliocene. Therefore, O. chawneri was considered until now as restricted to the early Pliocene. However, in the absence of a detailed morphometric and biostratigraphic study of the Caribbean Neogene nummulitids, it is difficult to evaluate the biochronologic range of these species.The history of the carbonates begins with the initial tectonic uplift and erosion of the Jurassic igneous basement of La Désirade, that must have occurred at latest in late Miocene times, when sea-level oscillated around a long term stable mean. The rhythmic deposition of the Désirade Limestone Table (LT) can be explained by synsedimentary subsidence in a context of rapidly oscillating sea-level due to precession-driven (19-21 kyr) glacio-eustatic sea-level changes during the latest Miocene- Pliocene. Except for a thin reef cap present at the eastern edge of the LT, no other in-place reefal constructions have been observed in the LT. The DOL of western Désirade are interpreted as below wave base gravity deposits that accumulated beneath a steep fore-reef slope. They document the mobilisation of carbonate material (including Larger Foraminifera) from an adjacent carbonate platform by storms and their gravitational emplacement as debris and grain flows. The provenance of both the reefal carbonate debris and the tuffaceous components redeposited in the carbonates of La Désirade must be to the west, i. e. the carbonate platforms of Marie Galante and Grande Terre.
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Located at the internal border of the Grand-Saint-Bernard Zone, the diorite and its aureole lie on top of intensively studied Alpine eclogitic units but this pluton, poorly studied yet, has kept locally almost undeformed. The pluton intruded, at similar to 360 Ma, country-rocks mostly composed of dark shales with Na2O > K2O and minor mafic intercalations of tholeiitic basalt affinity. This association is characteristic of the Vanoise (France) basement series, where available age determinations suggest an Early Paleozoic age. Parts of the pluton, and of its hornfels aureole that is evidenced here for the first time, in the Punta Bioula section of Valsavaranche valley (NW-Italy), have been well-preserved from the Alpine deformation. Syn-emplacement hardening, dehydration-induced, probably prevented strain-enhanced Alpine recrystallization. Magmatic rock-types range continuously from subordinate mafic types at SiO2 similar to 48%, of hornblendite with cumulative or appinite affinities, to the main body of quartz diorite to quartz monzonite (SiO2 up to 62%). P-T estimates for the pluton emplacement, based on the abundance of garnet in the hornfelses, using also zircon and apatite saturation thermometry and Al-in-hornblende barometry, suggest T similar to 800-950 degrees C and minimum P in the 0.2-0.5 GPa range, with records of higher pressure conditions (up to 1-2 GPa?) in hornblendite phlogopite-cored amphibole. The high-K, Na > K, calcalkaline geochemistry is in line with a destructive plate-margin setting. Based on major element data and radiogenic isotope signature (epsilon Nd-360 Ma from -1.2 to + 0.9, Sr-87/Sr-86(360 MA) from 0.7054 to 0.7063), the parental magmas are interpreted in terms of deep-seated metabasaltic partial melts with limited contamination from shallower sources, the low radiogenic Nd-content excluding a major contribution from Vanoise tholeiites. There is no other preserved evidence for Variscan magmatism of similar age and composition in the Western Alps, but probable analogs are known in the western and northern parts of French Massif Central. Regarding the Alpine tectonics, not only the age of the pluton and its host-rocks (instead of the Permo-Carboniferous age previously believed), but also its upper mylonitic contact, suggest revisions of the Alpine nappe model. The Cogne diorite allegedly constituted the axial part of the E-verging ``pli en retour [backfold] du Valsavaranche'', a cornerstone of popular Alpine structural models: in fact, the alleged fold limbs, as attested here by field and geochemical data, do not belong to the same unit, and the backfold hypothesis is unfounded. (C) 2012 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
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AIM: The specific natural history of superficial soft tissue sarcomas (S-STS) has been rarely considered. We describe the clinical characteristics of a large series of S-STS (N=367) from the French Sarcoma Group (GSF-GETO) database and analyse the prognostic factors affecting outcome. METHODS: We performed univariate and multivariate analyses for overall survival (OS), metastasis-free survival (MFS) and local recurrence-free survival (LRFS). RESULTS: The median age was 59 years. Fifty-eight percent patients were female. Tumour locations were as follows: extremities, 55%; trunk wall, 35.4%; head and neck, 8% and unknown, 1.6%. Median tumour size was 3.0 cm. The most frequent tumour types were unclassified sarcoma (24.3%) and leiomyosarcoma (22.3%). Thirty-three percent of cases were grade 3. Median follow-up was 6.18 years. The 5-year OS, MFS and LRFS rates were 80.9%, 80.7% and 74.7%, respectively. Multivariate analysis retained histological type and wide resection for predicting LRFS and histological type and grade as prognostic factors of MFS. The factors influencing OS were age, histological type, grade and wide resection. STS with early invasion into but not through the underlying fascia had a significantly poorer MFS than with strict S-STS. CONCLUSION: S-STS represent a separate category characterised by a better outcome. Adequate surgery, i.e. wide resection, is essential in the management of S-STS.
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Affiliation: Louise Lafortune: Faculté de médecine, Université de Montréal
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Corporate law integrates a stakeholder conception through the comprehensive meaning of the best interests of the corporation. In this paper, I address criticisms about classical definition of the firm’s purpose. Even if American law is more discreet and uncertain, it is possible to defend a broad conception of the best interests of the corporation. The interests of Canadian and French firms include their partners. While the notion of intérêt social is debatable in France, Canada has recently modified its point of view regarding the purpose of the firm. Indeed, the decision of the Supreme Court of Canada Magasins à rayons Peoples Inc. (Syndic de) v. Wise in 2004 changed the concept of corporate law. With respect to fiduciary duties, the Supreme Court set aside the traditional interpretation of the “best interests of the corporation” which gave primacy to shareholders’ interests. The Court held that the expression “best interests of the corporation” refers to the maximization of the corporation’s value. This innovative vision of the best interest of the corporation introduces stakeholder theory and corporate social responsibility (CSR) into corporate law and provides a new field for the firm’s management to frame their responsibilities. This paper concludes with an extended discussion of the implications of stakeholder and CSR influence for the future of corporate law, economy and financial researches.
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France is known for being a champion of individual rights as well as for its overt hostility to any form of group rights. Linguistic pluralism in the public sphere is rejected for fear of babelization and Balkanization of the country. Over recent decades the Conseil Constitutionnel (CC) has, together with the Conseil d’État, remained arguably the strongest defender of this Jacobin ideal in France. In this article, I will discuss the role of France’s restrictive language policy through the prism of the CC’s jurisprudence. Overall, I will argue that the CC made reference to the (Jacobin) state-nation concept, a concept that is discussed in the first part of the paper, in order to fight the revival of regional languages in France over recent decades. The clause making French the official language in 1992 was functional to this policy. The intriguing aspect is that in France the CC managed to standardise France’s policy vis-à-vis regional and minority languages through its jurisprudence; an issue discussed in the second part of the paper. But in those regions with a stronger tradition of identity, particularly in the French overseas territories, the third part of the paper argues, normative reality has increasingly become under pressure. Therefore, a discrepancy between the ‘law in courts’ and the compliance with these decisions (‘law in action’) has been emerging over recent years. Amid some signs of opening of France to minorities, this contradiction delineates a trend that might well continue in future.
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This chapter outlines the history of the practice of strategy, predating the introduction of the term. It homes in on episodes of European history since Antiquity for which historians claim to have found evidence of the practice of strategy, defined by Kimberly Kagan as ‘the setting of a state’s objectives and of priorities among those objectives’ in order to allocate resources and choose the best means. While focusing only on Europe, this chapter covers case studies over nearly 2500 ranging from the wars of Ancient Greece, of the Romans to Medieval warfare (here with a focus on English history), the warfare of Philip II of Spain, Louis XIV of France, Frederick II of Prussia, the French Revolutionaries and Napoleon.
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Through studying German, Polish and Czech publications on Silesia, Mr. Kamusella found that most of them, instead of trying to objectively analyse the past, are devoted to proving some essential "Germanness", "Polishness" or "Czechness" of this region. He believes that the terminology and thought-patterns of nationalist ideology are so deeply entrenched in the minds of researchers that they do not consider themselves nationalist. However, he notes that, due to the spread of the results of the latest studies on ethnicity/nationalism (by Gellner, Hobsbawm, Smith, Erikson Buillig, amongst others), German publications on Silesia have become quite objective since the 1980s, and the same process (impeded by under funding) has been taking place in Poland and the Czech Republic since 1989. His own research totals some 500 pages, in English, presented on disc. So what are the traps into which historians have been inclined to fall? There is a tendency for them to treat Silesia as an entity which has existed forever, though Mr. Kamusella points out that it emerged as a region only at the beginning of the 11th century. These same historians speak of Poles, Czechs and Germans in Silesia, though Mr. Kamusella found that before the mid-19th century, identification was with an inhabitant's local area, religion or dynasty. In fact, a German national identity started to be forged in Prussian Silesia only during the Liberation War against Napoleon (1813-1815). It was concretised in 1861 in the form of the first Prussian census, when the language a citizen spoke was equated with his/her nationality. A similar census was carried out in Austrian Silesia only in 1881. The censuses forced the Silesians to choose their nationality despite their multiethnic multicultural identities. It was the active promotion of a German identity in Prussian Silesia, and Vienna's uneasy acceptance of the national identities in Austrian Silesia which stimulated the development of Polish national, Moravian ethnic and Upper Silesian ethnic regional identities in Upper Silesia, and Polish national, Czech national, Moravian ethnic and Silesian ethnic identities in Austrian Silesia. While traditional historians speak of the "nationalist struggle" as though it were a permanent characteristic of Silesia, Mr. Kamusella points out that such a struggle only developed in earnest after 1918. What is more, he shows how it has been conveniently forgotten that, besides the national players, there were also significant ethnic movements of Moravians, Upper Silesians, Silesians and the tutejsi (i.e. those who still chose to identify with their locality). At this point Mr. Kamusella moves into the area of linguistics. While traditionally historians have spoken of the conflicts between the three national languages (German, Polish and Czech), Mr Kamusella reminds us that the standardised forms of these languages, which we choose to dub "national", were developed only in the mid-18th century, after 1869 (when Polish became the official language in Galicia), and after the 1870s (when Czech became the official language in Bohemia). As for standard German, it was only widely promoted in Silesia from the mid 19th century onwards. In fact, the majority of the population of Prussian Upper Silesia and Austrian Silesia were bi- or even multilingual. What is more, the "Polish" and "Czech" Silesians spoke were not the standard languages we know today, but a continuum of West-Slavic dialects in the countryside and a continuum of West-Slavic/German creoles in the urbanised areas. Such was the linguistic confusion that, from time to time, some ethnic/regional and Church activists strove to create a distinctive Upper Silesian/Silesian language on the basis of these dialects/creoles, but their efforts were thwarted by the staunch promotion of standard German, and after 1918, of standard Polish and Czech. Still on the subject of language, Mr. Kamusella draws attention to a problem around the issue of place names and personal names. Polish historians use current Polish versions of the Silesian place names, Czechs use current Polish/Czech versions of the place names, and Germans use the German versions which were in use in Silesia up to 1945. Mr. Kamusella attempted to avoid this, as he sees it, nationalist tendency, by using an appropriate version of a place name for a given period and providing its modern counterpart in parentheses. In the case of modern place names he gives the German version in parentheses. As for the name of historical figures, he strove to use the name entered on the birth certificate of the person involved, and by doing so avoid such confusion as, for instance, surrounds the Austrian Silesian pastor L.J. Sherschnik, who in German became Scherschnick, in Polish, Szersznik, and in Czech, Sersnik. Indeed, the prospective Silesian scholar should, Mr. Kamusella suggests, as well as the three languages directly involved in the area itself, know English and French, since many documents and books on the subject have been published in these languages, and even Latin, when dealing in depth with the period before the mid-19th century. Mr. Kamusella divides the policies of ethnic cleansing into two categories. The first he classifies as soft, meaning that policy is confined to the educational system, army, civil service and the church, and the aim is that everyone learn the language of the dominant group. The second is the group of hard policies, which amount to what is popularly labelled as ethnic cleansing. This category of policy aims at the total assimilation and/or physical liquidation of the non-dominant groups non-congruent with the ideal of homogeneity of a given nation-state. Mr. Kamusella found that soft policies were consciously and systematically employed by Prussia/Germany in Prussian Silesia from the 1860s to 1918, whereas in Austrian Silesia, Vienna quite inconsistently dabbled in them from the 1880s to 1917. In the inter-war period, the emergence of the nation-states of Poland and Czechoslovakia led to full employment of the soft policies and partial employment of the hard ones (curbed by the League of Nations minorities protection system) in Czechoslovakian Silesia, German Upper Silesia and the Polish parts of Upper and Austrian Silesia. In 1939-1945, Berlin started consistently using all the "hard" methods to homogenise Polish and Czechoslovakian Silesia which fell, in their entirety, within the Reich's borders. After World War II Czechoslovakia regained its prewar part of Silesia while Poland was given its prewar section plus almost the whole of the prewar German province. Subsequently, with the active involvement and support of the Soviet Union, Warsaw and Prague expelled the majority of Germans from Silesia in 1945-1948 (there were also instances of the Poles expelling Upper Silesian Czechs/Moravians, and of the Czechs expelling Czech Silesian Poles/pro-Polish Silesians). During the period of communist rule, the same two countries carried out a thorough Polonisation and Czechisation of Silesia, submerging this region into a new, non-historically based administrative division. Democratisation in the wake of the fall of communism, and a gradual retreat from the nationalist ideal of the homogeneous nation-state with a view to possible membership of the European Union, caused the abolition of the "hard" policies and phasing out of the "soft" ones. Consequently, limited revivals of various ethnic/national minorities have been observed in Czech and Polish Silesia, whereas Silesian regionalism has become popular in the westernmost part of Silesia which remained part of Germany. Mr. Kamusella believes it is possible that, with the overcoming of the nation-state discourse in European politics, when the expression of multiethnicity and multilingualism has become the cause of the day in Silesia, regionalism will hold sway in this region, uniting its ethnically/nationally variegated population in accordance with the principle of subsidiarity championed by the European Union.