Turkey and neo-Ottomanism: Domestic sources, dynamics and foreign policy

This study examined the relationship between the Turkish Islamic movements and the present government of the Justice and Development Party ( Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, AK Party). Since the AK Party came to power in 2002 it implemented unparalleled political reforms and pursued to improve Turkey’s relations with the EU. Opponents argued that because of the dominance of the secular military in Turkish politics, the AK Party is forced to secretly advance its Islamic agenda using the language and symbolism of democracy and human rights. This study argued that the ideas of the AK Party show similarities with the “Ottomanist” thought of the late Ottoman era. With special reference to the preservation of the Ottoman State, Ottomanism in an eclectic way was able to incorporate Islamic principles like freedom, justice and consultation into the political arena which was increasingly dominated by the secular European concepts. Literature on Islam and politics in Turkey, however, disregards the Ottoman roots of freedom and pluralism and tends to reduce the relationship between religion and state into exclusively confrontational struggles. This conceptualization of the political process relies on particular non-Turkish Muslim experiences which do not necessarily represent Islam’s venture in Turkey. Contrary to the prevailing scholarship, Islamic movements in Turkey, namely, Naqshbandi, National View and Nur, which are discussed in detail in this study, are not monolithic. They all uphold the same creedal tenets of Islam but they have sharp differences in terms of how they conceptualize the role of religious agency in politics. I argue that this diversity is a result of three distinct methodologies of Islamic religious life which are the Tariqah (Tarikat ), Shariah (Şeriat), and Haqiqah ( Hakikat). The differences between these three approaches represent a typological hierarchy in the formation of the Muslim/believer as an agent of Islamic identity. Through these different if not conflicting modes, the AK Party reconnected itself with Turkey’s Ottoman heritage in a post-Ottoman, secular setting and was able to develop an eclectic political identity of Neo-Ottomanism that is evident in the flexibility if not inconsistency of its domestic and foreign policy preferences.

Turkish-American relations in the post-Cold War era, 1990-2005

This study examines the contours of Turkish-American foreign relations in the post-Cold War era from 1990 to 2005. While providing an interpretive analysis, the study highlights elements of continuity and change and of convergence and divergence in the relationship between Ankara and Washington. Turkey’s encounter with its Kurdish problem at home intertwined with the emergence of an autonomous Kurdish authority in northern Iraq after the Gulf War that left a political vacuum in the region. The main argument of this dissertation is that the Kurdish question has been the central element in shaping and redefining the nature and scope of Turkish-American relations since 1991. This study finds that systemic factors primarily prevail in the early years of the post-Cold War Turkish-American relations, as had been the case during the Cold War era. However, the Turkish parliament’s rejection of the deployment of the U.S. troops in Turkey for the invasion of Iraq in 2003 could not be explained by the primacy of distribution of capabilities in the system. Instead, the role of identity, ideology, norms, and the socialization of agency through interaction and language must be considered. The Justice and Development Party’s ascension to power in 2002 magnified a wider transformation in domestic and foreign politics and reflected changes in Turkey’s own self-perception and the definition of its core interests towards the United States.

Origin of Early Carboniferous pseudo-adakites in northern Brittany (France) through massive amphibole fractionation from hydrous basalt

P>The first Variscan pseudo-adakites were identified in close association with the Saint-Jean-du-Doigt (SJDD) mafic intrusion (Brittany, France) in a geodynamic context unrelated to subduction. These rocks are trondhjemites emplaced 347 +/- 4 Ma ago as 2-3 km2 bodies and dykes. Trace-element concentrations and Sr-Nd-Pb isotope ratios indicate that the SJDD pseudo-adakites probably resulted from extreme differentiation of an SJDD-type hydrous basaltic magma in a lower continental crust of normal thickness (0.8 GPa). Modelling shows that garnet is not a required phase, which was commonly believed to be the case for continental arc-derived adakite-like rocks. A massive fractionation of amphibole fits the data much better and does not require high pressures, in agreement with the inferred extensional tectonic regime at the time of pluton emplacement. Alternatively, the SJDD pseudo-adakites could have resulted from the melting of newly underplated SJDD mafic precursors, but thermal considerations lead us to believe that this was not the case.

Message from the President of the United States, transmitting copies of a letter from the British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, to the Secretary of State, with the answer of the latter

January 6, 1814. Ordered to lie on the table. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- At head of title: [22]. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 13th Congress, 2nd Session, House. Doc. 22. Printed by Roger C. Weightman

Les relations diplomatiques franco-américaines lors de l'expédition du général Leclerc : le commerce, le territoire, la race et l'opinion. 1800-1804

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Prise de parole au féminin : la paix et les relations internationales dans les revendications du mouvement de femmes pour la paix en France (1919-1934)

Au terme de la Grande Guerre (1914-1918), rares sont ceux et celles qui ne rêvent pas d’un monde nouveau. Après quatre années de souffrance et d’angoisse, la paix s’impose comme une pulsion de vie qui touche toutes les populations impliquées dans le conflit, en premier lieu celles qui ont connu les combats sur leur propre territoire. Un nombre record de mouvements pour la paix émerge des cendres de la guerre, dont plusieurs sont spécifiquement féminins. Pour ces femmes, privées du droit de vote et donc exclues de la vie politique au sens traditionnel, ces mouvements apparaissent comme autant de nouveaux espaces d’actions politiques. À travers leur lutte pacifiste, elles investissent le champ politique et social, avec des débats qui n’ignorent aucune des grandes questions de l’entre-deux-guerres. C’est donc dans cette perspective que les femmes prennent parole : même si elles n’ont pas connu comme les hommes les champs de bataille, elles ont aussi souffert pendant le conflit et revendiquent le droit de « refaire le monde ». Ces quelques femmes sont toutefois longtemps restées dans l’ombre : doublement ignorées en raison de leur pacifisme et de leur sexe. L’historiographie de l’entre-deux-guerres en France a en effet longtemps négligé leur travail dans l’établissement de la paix et dans les relations internationales. Cette thèse cherche donc à combler un vide laissé par une historiographie trop longtemps axée seulement sur les hommes politiques et liant de façon trop stricte l’action politique et le droit de vote. À partir de l’analyse de cinq associations pacifistes féminines – la Section française de la Ligue internationale des femmes pour la paix et la liberté (SFLIFPL), la Ligue des femmes contre la Guerre (LFCG), l’Union féminine pour la Société des Nations (UFSDN), l’Union fraternelle des femmes contre la guerre (UFFCG) et la Ligue internationale des mères et des éducatrices pour la paix (LIMEP) – notre recherche propose une nouvelle analyse des affaires internationales en abordant les questions de la paix, de la réconciliation franco-allemande et du désarmement au féminin. Elle met également en lumière les discours sur le rôle et la place des femmes dans la société de l’entre-deux-guerres et cherche à comprendre comment les pacifistes contournent leur exclusion des affaires politiques et légitiment leurs démarches dans la construction de la société d’après-guerre.

Análisis del discurso de la UE en materia de derechos humanos y democracia en relación con las aspiraciones de Turquía a ser miembro pleno de la organización (2000-2012)

El propósito de esta monografía consiste en analizar el discurso de la Unión Europea en materia de Derechos Humanos y Democracia y su importancia en el proceso de ampliación de la Organización. Se estudia y explica el criterio de condicionalidad del discurso como una medida preventiva y/o sancionatoria para la entrada de Turquía a la UE, estableciendo que dicho discurso es un factor determinante en las negociaciones entre la UE y Turquía. Para ésto, se analiza el discurso europeo a partir del análisis del discurso ideológico, de Teun Van Dijk, y el discurso de la condicionalidad, de Maria del Carmen Muñoz Rodríguez, lo cual permite hacer un estudio detallado de la incidencia del discurso de la UE en el proceso de negociación de la adhesión de Turquía a la Unión.

Povoações, freguesias e vilas na Paraíba Colonial: Pombal e Sousa, 1697-1800

The towns presently named Pombal and Sousa, located in the hinterland of the State of Paraíba, Brazil, still keep vestiges of the colonization process they went through along the 18th and 19th centuries, when they both emerged as settlement nuclei in the extreme West of the then captaincy of Paraíba and attained the status of freguesia and vila in a later period. This research aims to comprehend the process of urban formation and development of the colonial urban nuclei of Pombal and Sousa as they became povoados (hamlets), freguesias (parishes) and vilas (small urban communities with a local government), according to territorial expansion policies implemented by the Portuguese government from 1697 to 1800. The choice of the two urban settlements for this survey lies in the fact that they were part of the great conquest and colonization program undertaken by the Portuguese Crown. Another aspect that was considered was the fact that those towns are the oldest urban nuclei of Paraíba s hinterland. They came into being as early as in the times of the colony, thus producing a favorable environment to the study of the changes that occurred in the captaincy s hinterland scenery resulting from the process of formation and development of the colonial urban space. Three fundamental categories of analysis were defined since they have a direct bearing upon the urban configuration of the two colonization nuclei: povoado, freguesia and vila. The three of them are related to civil and ecclesiastic jurisdictions. Field, documentation and bibliography surveys were undertaken in order to develop the study. They allowed for the finding of vestiges of the old, colonial urban structures and for the development of theoretical analysis based on present-day studies of issues relating to the colonial urban history. The study purposes were, therefore, to try to understand how the old urban nuclei of Pombal and Sousa fit in the territorial expansion policies undertaken by the Portuguese government; to relate the process of urban formation and development of such nuclei with the categories of analysis povoação-freguesia-vila by discussing the relations and influences they exert over one another and their territory, as well as to unveil, as much as possible, the configuration the urban spaces that were shaped along the 18th century

Early gene expression analysis in 9L orthotopic tumor-bearing rats identifies immune modulation in molecular response to synchrotron microbeam radiation therapy

Synchrotron Microbeam Radiation Therapy (MRT) relies on the spatial fractionation of the synchrotron photon beam into parallel micro-beams applying several hundred of grays in their paths. Several works have reported the therapeutic interest of the radiotherapy modality at preclinical level, but biological mechanisms responsible for the described efficacy are not fully understood to date. The aim of this study was to identify the early transcriptomic responses of normal brain and glioma tissue in rats after MRT irradiation (400Gy). The transcriptomic analysis of similarly irradiated normal brain and tumor tissues was performed 6 hours after irradiation of 9 L orthotopically tumor-bearing rats. Pangenomic analysis revealed 1012 overexpressed and 497 repressed genes in the irradiated contralateral normal tissue and 344 induced and 210 repressed genes in tumor tissue. These genes were grouped in a total of 135 canonical pathways. More than half were common to both tissues with a predominance for immunity or inflammation (64 and 67% of genes for normal and tumor tissues, respectively). Several pathways involving HMGB1, toll-like receptors, C-type lectins and CD36 may serve as a link between biochemical changes triggered by irradiation and inflammation and immunological challenge. Most immune cell populations were involved: macrophages, dendritic cells, natural killer, T and B lymphocytes. Among them, our results highlighted the involvement of Th17 cell population, recently described in tumor. The immune response was regulated by a large network of mediators comprising growth factors, cytokines, lymphokines. In conclusion, early response to MRT is mainly based on inflammation and immunity which appear therefore as major contributors to MRT efficacy.

Why the EU must reengage with Turkey. EPC Commentary, 29 September 2014

Democratic values and basic rights in Turkey are hanging by a thread. Over the past eighteen months the rule of law, civil liberties and freedoms have been eroded which has left many Turks anxious over the direction in which their country is heading. With Turkey’s accession negotiations de facto frozen, the EU finds itself with little leverage over Ankara. Calls of concern have fallen on deaf ears as Turkey’s leadership has become increasingly belligerent, with its EU related narrative overflowing with resentment. Because Turkey’s accession negotiations are irreversibly intertwined with Turkey-EU cooperation in other areas, this has had a negative impact on the broader relationship between both sides. Recent examples include the issue of foreign fighters traveling from Europe to Syria via Turkey. Each side has accused the other of not doing enough to stem the flow. Likewise, following the decision of Russian President, Vladimir Putin, to ban the import of agricultural goods from countries that have placed sanctions on Moscow, the EU asked Turkey to demonstrate solidarity, as a “candidate country”, and not to increase exports of agricultural products to Russia. Turkey rejected this request and is reportedly working on strengthening trade ties with Moscow. Turkey remains an important partner in a number of key areas including trade, energy, foreign and security policy and migration. At a time when the EU faces crises in both its Eastern and Southern neighbourhoods, a reliable and predictable Turkey, with which it can cooperate in the Black Sea and Middle East neighbourhoods is crucial. Hence the vision and plans of the EU’s new leadership, in particular new Foreign Policy Chief, Federica Mogherini, and Commissioner for European Neighbourhood Policy and Enlargement Negotiations, Johannes Hahn, how to shape relations with Ankara is particularly significant. The Union’s current policy is counterproductive and is further eroding trust and cooperation rather than enhancing it. It needs to be turned around.

National Role Conceptions and Foreign Policies: France and Germany Compared. CES Germany & Europe Working Papers, No. 02.4, 2002

In spite of domestic and international political changes, French and German foreign policies have displayed high degrees of continuity between the late 1950s and the mid-1990s. Over the same time period, the directions of the two states’ foreign policies have also continued to differ from each other. Why do states similar in many respects often part ways in what they want and do? This article argues that the French and German national role conceptions (NRCs) account for both of these continuities. NRCs are domestically shared understandings regarding the proper role and purpose of one’s own state as a social collectivity in the international arena. As internal reference systems, they affect national interests and foreign policies. This article reestablishes the NRC concept, empirically codes it for France and Germany for the time period under consideration, and demonstrates comparatively how different NRCs lead to varying interests and policies across the major policy areas in security, defense, and armament.

How Do Second-Generation Immigrant Students Access Higher Education? The Importance of Vocational Routes to Higher Education in Switzerland, France, and Germany

We analyse the access to different institutional pathways to higher education for second-generation students, focusing on youths that hold a higher-education entrance certificate. The alternative vocational pathway appears to compensate to some degree, compared to the traditional academic one, for North-African and Southern-European youths in France, those from Turkey in Germany, and to a lesser degree those from Portugal, Turkey, Ex-Yugoslavia, Albania/Kosovo in Switzerland. This is not the case in Switzerland for Western-European, Italian, and Spanish youths who indeed access higher education via the academic pathway more often than Swiss youths. Using youth panel and survey data, multinomial models are applied to analyse these pathway choices.

Food tampering : FDA's actions on Chilean fruit based on sound evidence : report to the ranking minority member, Committee on Foreign Relation, U.S. Senate.

Cover title.

A Review of the report of the Committee on foreign affairs, of the Senate of the United States, relative to the Tehuantepec matters.

Mode of access: Internet.

The correspondence between Great Britain and France on the subject of the late negotiation : presented by His Majesty's command to both houses of Parliament, 13th [i.e. 18th] May, 1803 : to which are added, His Majesty's declaration, and copies of the preliminary and definitive treaties of peace.

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